| |
A History of Pittsburg and Western Pennsylvania Troops in the War
By John V. Hanlon (Copyright 1919 by The Pittsburg Press)
Chapter XV
(The Pittsburg Press, Sunday, April 13, 1919, pages 78-79)
Names in this chapter: Allan, Jarrett, Heimann, McHenry, Austen, Davis,
Jeffery, Lynch, McLain, Mackey, Miner, Summerton, Dickson, White, Hay, Muir,
Smathers, Henderson, Shannon, Weigle, Rickards, Bubb, Cronkhite, Sturgis, Brett
The Old Eighteenth of Pittsburg, now the One Hundred and Eleventh Infantry of
the Twenty-eighth Division, participated in some of the bloodiest battles in
France and did much towards tolling the knell of the parting days of Germany’s
ambitions for the world conquest and Dominion. The Eighteenth was one of the
strongest links in the invincible “Iron Division.”
IN THE MEUSE-ARGONNNE OFFENSIVE THE PENNSYLVANIA DOUGHBOYS HAD SOME HARD NUTS TO
CRACK AND THE TAKING OF APREMONT PROVED TO BE ONE OF THE ESPECIALLY SEVERE
INSTANCES OF BITTER FIGHTING. THE TOWN WAS AN IMPORTANT STRONGHOLD FOR THE ENEMY
AND WAS HELD IN FORCE MUCH THE SAME AS FISMES AND FISMETTE. THE TWENTY-EIGHTH
DIVISION SUFFERED HEAVILY THERE AND OFFICERS WHO PARTICIPATED IN THE BATTLE HAVE
TESTIFIED THAT THE GUTTERS IN THE STREETS OF THE TOWN RAN RED WITH BLOOD. FOR
FOURTEEN DAYS THE TWENTY-EIGHTH POUNDED UP THROUGH THE ARGONNE AND WAS JUST
PREPARING TO ASSAULT GRANT PRE WHEN RELIEVED AND SENT BACK TO REST BILLETS AND
LATER TO JOIN THE NEW AMERICAN ARMY THEN PREPARING FOR A DRIVE ON THE GREAT
FORTRESS OF METZ. THE ARTILLERY DIVISION WAS DETACHED AND SENT INTO BELGIUM TO
ASSIST IN HARRASSING THE THEN FLEEING GERMANS.
In taking the Apremont, the “Iron Division” had the
attack all planned, and the men were ready and eager to strike, when the Huns
broke things up in general with a bungling attack of their own. The assault on
Apremont has been recorded as one of the bloodiest in the history of the war.
The Boche was not only the one to suffer, for the “Iron Division” lost hundreds
of men, while thousands were wounded. Officers who participated in the battle
have, under solemn oath, testified that the gutters in the streets of Apremont
actually ran red with blood.
The enemy had brought up strong reinforcements of
comparatively fresh troops, and had apparently decided to make a stand. The
importance of Apremont was great to them for it was on the Brunhilde line and
constituted the first defense. On it, to a considerable extent, hinged the
success or defeat and rout of the German armies to the north. The town was held
in force, much as were Fismes and Fismette, and presented the same problem to
the Pennsylvania commanders. Every approach to the town was held by a
concentration of forces manning machine guns, while snipers were in every
vantage post possible. Previously the Germans had left one man in charge of a
machine gun nest, but now they were manned by small garrisons. The bombardment
of the town was terrific, and hand-to-hand fighting raged for many hours which
finally stretched into days, before the town was actually occupied by the
Pennsylvanians. It was the last big battle that they participated in before the
signing of the armistice, although they continued the advance and fought a
number of successive minor engagements later.
Not until compelled to do so, did the Germans
relinquish their hold on Apremont, and when they finally did fall back, it was
only to gather strength again, reinforce themselves with fresh troops and launch
counter attack after counter attack. None of them were of any avail for the
Keystone boys, once inside the town, could not be shaken, and their heroism has
never been equaled.
GERMANS ATTACK FIRST
A few hours before the Americans were to make their
attack the Germans broke loose with their attack. This was a surprise to the
Pennsylvanians, and the result of it was more than the Keystone men had planned
to receive in their own attack. Although reinforced strongly by machine gunners,
the slaughter of Germans was terrible. The first wave ran right past our own
machine guns into the hands of the infantry, and when those who survived saw the
plight of their advancing comrades, but too late to escape, they made a
half-hearted attempt to return to their own lines. In so doing they again ran
past our machine gunners who were secreted in shell craters and they were mowed
down almost en masse. The few who survived were lucky. The American losses were
not heavy. It was a blundering attack, and nothing was gained by it. It was
planned to have a demoralizing effect upon the advancing allies, but instead,
like some of the previous German attempts to break up the offensive, had a
heartening effect.
The attack caused some little confusion in the American
lines, and the assault that had been planned for 5:30 that morning had to be
re-organized, but it went on just the same and the Yanks entered the village of
Apremont, just as they had intended.
GERMANS LAUNCH ANOTHER ATTACK
After the Americans had entered the village the
Germans, after extensive preparations, launched one great attack, by which they
evidently had proposed to unseat the holders of the village and drive them back
beyond its limits and the surrounding positions. They came on confidently and
with undeniable courage like gallant veterans, never flinching nor giving an
inch, the Pennsylvanians stood up to them, while wave after wave swept forward,
and was mowed down in pitiable slaughter. The fighting was desperate. In many
instances it resulted in hand-to-hand grapples, as dogged and determined as the
primitive struggles of man in the dark ages, and brutality reigned supreme. It
was not for our men to fight this way, and they didn’t like it, but orders were
orders – and hold they would regardless of life or the methods that had to be
resorted to in order to keep back the tides of enemy infantrymen that threatened
to overwhelm them and sweep onward. There was no time nor inclination either, to
take prisoners or surrender, and the only one eventuality under such
circumstances was resorted to. They killed as swiftly and as mercifully as was
possible. There were a few places where the Germans gained slight advantage.
Many instances of personal and individual bravery worthy of note, took place
during the desperate fighting that raged around Apremont and in its streets.
ORGANIZED FRESH ATTACK
It was at this time that Corp. Robert E. Jeffery of
Sagamore, Pa., and Sergt. Andrew B. Lynch of Philadelphia distinguished
themselves. As members of headquarters company of the One Hundred and Tenth
infantry, they were in charge of a one-pounder trench mortar battery, located at
a position slightly north of the village. Receiving orders to move their
position to the rear, they did so, and shortly afterward learned that their
commanding officer, Lieut. Myer S. Jacobs had been taken prisoner. Immediately
the two men organized a rescue party consisting of a total number of five and
moved forward, attacking a machine gun nest manned by 36 Germans, who it was
known, had Lieut. Jacobs in their custody. The little party killed 15 of the
Germans, took three prisoners and released the lieutenant uninjured.
Immediately after his return to the American frontlines
Sergt. Lynch took 75 fresh men, and with revolvers drawn, led them against the
enemy in a fresh attack, in which they penetrated the German line to a depth of
two-thirds of a mile and established a new position in a ravine north of
Apremont. Sergt. Lynch was officially cited for bravery.
PENNSYLVANIAN CITED FOR BRAVERY
Although he had formerly distinguished himself at the
Marne, Capt. Charles L. McLain, of Indiana, Pa., again gained prominence in the
Apremont fight. While engaged in fighting with his own company, he was informed
that Co. C of the One Hundred and Tenth infantry was unofficered [sic]. His own
company was part of the reserves and he had a number of junior officers under
him. Without a moment’s hesitancy, Capt. McLain turned the company over to one
of these and went to the aid of Co. C. He personally led the first wave that
this company made in a hot attack and was wounded himself. But his wound did not
stop him. He went right along with his men hobbling with a cane until the
objective was reached. Then he permitted them to send him to a hospital. He
later recovered from his wounds and rejoined his company.
The One Hundred and Ninth infantry bore the brunt of
the second German assault on the American lines while they were in Apremont.
Maj. Mackey, who, as Capt. Mackey distinguished himself at the Marne, had
established his headquarters in the basement of an old building, the top of
which had been destroyed by shell fire. With him were the battalion adjutant and
a chaplain, members of his staff. When telephonic communication was severed from
his headquarters and runners which had been giving him information from
different points along the battle line ceased to come, he instantly knew that
the Germans had gained some ground and were advancing. This would mean he would
be captured unless the post was removed further to the rear of the fighting
troops. While meditating, he and his men suddenly heard the cracking of a
machine gun, which had been set up on the floor over their heads. It blazed away
merrily for a time, with its regular “rat-a-tat, rat-a-tat” which sounds for all
the world like a pneumatic riveter at work sealing together heavy cordons of
steel. Simultaneously he heard the bawling of commands in a hoarse German voice.
This was sufficient to make the major aware that the machine gun above their
subterranean post was manned by a crew of Germans.
Officers of the One Hundred and Ninth infantry, as well
as men, saw what was taking place. The sight of the machine gun over the post
command, aroused their anger to a greater pitch and with a wild howl and grim
determination, they made for it. It didn’t take long to mop ‘em up, and in a
short time the Germans were on the retreat again in that particular section, and
fighting to the northward.
INFANTRY ADVANCES BEYOND APREMONT
With the German assaults successfully stemmed, the
American division forged ahead once more and advanced beyond Apremont. The
fighting was sever however and the advance was made over ground that was
contested every rod. Directly in the way of the advance was Pleinchamp farm,
which was cleared up only after considerable effort and some very brisk
fighting. The farm was a group of small buildings, as is usually the case when
the term “farm” is used in France, and was so arranged that a body of men making
an attack on one of the buildings would be subject to the whole fire of the
Boches from the others. The buildings afforded excellent places for the
secretion of machine guns, automatic rifles, one pound mortars and snipers. The
walls of the structures were usually of stone, very thick, and an excellent
protection from invasion. The Germans were finally cleared out of Pleinchamp
farm, and the objective, Chatel-Chehery, now lay straight ahead.
Undaunted, the heroes kept right on going. There were a
number of cases where companies emerged from combat under the command of a
corporal, or some other non-commissioned officer, because all of the
commissioned men had either been killed or wounded so badly that they could not
direct the fight. The Apremont fight was a costly one but through it name of the
Keystone division has been written in the records of time. From Apremont, the
course of battle veered slightly to the west although it still followed the
course of the river. They artillery now came into the Apremont and there ran
into severe shelling, the same circumstances that was met when it entered
Varennes. One battery of the One Hundred and Ninth artillery was almost
completely knocked to pieces by the heavy shells. Guns were torn from their
carriages, caissons destroyed and men injured. Col. Asher Miner of Wilkesbarre,
Pa., seeing the plight of the battery went out in person and supervised the work
of reorganization of the battery and its reconstruction. For his personal care,
and the attitude show he was commended very highly by Brigadier General Price –
in the following words:
“Col. Miner has shown bravery on many occasions, but it
is when men do what they do not have to do that they are lifted to the special
class of heroes. Miner is one of these.”
Col. Miner was constantly looking after his men, and
their equipment, and his general efficiency and ability are not questioned. It
was shortly after the above quoted commendation that he was injured so severely
that his foot had to be amputated. A piece of shell struck him in the ankle.
KREMHILDE LINE NEXT
The One Hundred and Twelfth infantry took Hills 223 and
224, which lay directly in the path of Chatel-Chehery. These two hills presented
formidable obstacles and were of considerable military value to the enemy. They
were strongly garrisoned, but despite this fact the Americans never hesitated.
Because of their vantage point at the top of the hills the Germans were only
able to postpone the advance for it took four days to capture both hills, in
conjunction with Chene Tondu Ridge.
The Americans were careful, for it was a situation in
which much might be lost and where much might be gained. The methods employed
were of the nature of a siege. The Pennsylvanians were familiar with this method
of fighting. While some of the forces spotted the German firing positions and
turned their guns upon them, keeping up a steady and non-intermittent fire,
others crept forward to selected posts. These in turn set up a peppery fusilade
[sic], while others would advance up the side of the hills in the same manner.
For four days this kept up, and finally when the doughboys were near enough to
the tops they dashed over. For their faithful work that night, they were
permitted to remain on the crest and sleep until morning. More of France’s
territory was redeemed.
WARREN BOY IS HERO
On the night before the capture of Hills 223 and 224,
afflicted with Spanish influenza and suffering from a number of wounds in his
shoulder and legs, Sergt. Ralph N. Summerton of Warren, Pa., sat in the kitchen
of his company, feeling mighty miserably. The wounds were the result of a German
“potato masher” as the German trench bomb is familiarly known, which went off
close to him. Sergt. Summerton, despite his wounds, refused to go back to the
hospital, but had been treated at a field hospital. He had a couple of metal
tags with him to show for this. Hence he was not made to go to the rear
hospital.
While nursing his troubles, Lieut. Dickson, battalion
adjutant, and Benjamin F. White, Jr., a surgeon, entered the kitchen, and Sergt.
Summerton asked how the regiment was getting along, He was informed there was no
one to lead Co. I into the attack. Summerton immediately applied for the job.
He was admonished to rest up by the surgeon, but
Summerton refused to listed and started for the company, assumed its command,
and was a the head of the first troops to go against. Hill 24. He actually was
the first person of the attacking forces to reach the top of the hill. The
brigade commander saw him do the deed and realized his courage, knowing that he
was almost reeling from his illness and his wounds. Even after the soldiers
reached the top he continued to lead the attack until a bullet in the shoulder
forced him to retire.
CHATEL-CHEHERY FALLS
With the principal defense out of the way, the “Iron
Division” steadily marched up the valley of the river on Chatel –Chehery. In the
course of progress the men captured a German railroad that had been a part of
their communication system, with 268 cars and seven locomotives. The locomotives
and cars were camouflages cleverly to blend with the trees, ferns and bushes of
the forest. The locomotives were of a peculiar design, having a large boiler,
small drive wheels, and a large fly wheel located centrally on top of the
broiler. Four of them had been partially destroyed before capture, but the One
Hundred and Third engineers soon had them in order and they were running full
tilt and performing valuable service.
Two other valuable captures were made by the “Iron
Division” at the time of the fall of Chatel-Chehery. One of these was a saw mill
and 1,000,000 feet of sawed lumber. The saw mill was an electrically operated
one and with it were several electric stations all of which were immediately
repaired and set to work for the conquering division. The other capture was
perhaps of greater benefit. It was a complete field hospital, consisting of 15
cottages, built in an attractive spot on the side of a hill. The buildings were
all connected with picturesque walks made of brick and red painted concrete. A
large building in the center, used as the operating headquarters was modernly
constructed and equipped completely with a modern operating room. A ghastly
sight greeted some of the doughboys of the Twenty-eighth, when they entered this
room. So hasty had been the German retreat that a patient upon whom they had
been working was left on the operating table. He had one leg cut off, and was
dead. Instruments being used in the operation were laying on the table, and it
was evident that the patient had been left to die, at the moment of operating.
Chatel-Chehery proved easier than had been
anticipated. There was severe fighting which could end only in one way – the way
the Pennsylvanians intended it to end. They entered the town on the same day of
the opening attack.
STOPPED AT GRAND PRE
Freville lay in the path of the fighting division, and
it was captured. The outskirts of Grand Pre, a formidable German stronghold, lay
just ahead. The American division under its able commanders immediately
commenced to surround the city and capture it, where official orders were
received, checking them in their preparations and returning the entire division
back into billets for rest, as it was stated 14 days of continuous fighting was
enough for any division. Another division took its place before Grand Pre, and
in one of the severest fights of the way, succeeded in capturing it just before
the armistice was signed.
In the meantime the “Iron Division” was moved southward
across the Aire, and finally came to rest in positions at Thiacourt, about four
miles back of the front lines and 16 miles from the German fortress of Metz.
Following the capture of the St. Mihiel salient by the Americans and French, a
general assault on Metz was being planned, but again the armistice save a bloody
combat for the assault did not materialize. The allied armies were ready
however, and in all probability would have captured this fortress that hundreds
of military men have pronounced invulnerable.
ARTILLERY ON DETACHED SERVICE
While the units of the Keystone army were resting at
Thiacourt, the artillery was detached and sent to harass the fleeing Hun on the
roaring, blazing battle line in the north. The German arms were now rapidly
nearing a complete collapse, and the part the Pennsylvanians played in the
achievement is one to be proud of. Traveling to the northward for many miles,
the artillery finally found itself in Belgium, that shell torn, scarred, black
waste, over which armies had fought for four years. Here they were attached to
the army of pursuit, which was intended to hound the fleeing Huns to the last
stand. The artillery of the “Iron Division” however did not see action, for the
armistice interrupted. To see the devastation, black ruin and bleak barreness
[sic] of Belgium incensed the gunners with an increased abomination of the Hun,
and they are sorry they did not get to do the work that had been mapped out for
them.
Unexpectedly orders were received while the Fifty-sixth
brigade was at rest near Thiacourt, two days after the arrival of the division
at that rest camp, ordering them into the line extending from Haumont, Xammes,
to Jaulny, evidently in preparation for an assault on Metz. This was shortly
after the middle of October, and the men were looking forward to some more
severe fighting. They had now become a part of the Second American Army. The
Fifty-fifth brigade was to have been relieved in 10 days, but this order was
countermanded, and the brigade moved up in line with the Fifty-sixth instead. A
number of sharp engagements were fought, which however, lost their importance
and received very little publicity due to the rapid collapse of the German arms,
which was not inevitable. Therefore it was apparently in these positions that
the armistice stopped the Pennsylvanians. Six months overseas fighting, during
which an enviable reputation was made, won for the Keystone men, the right to
wear the gold chevron on the right sleeve. After the signing of the armistice
the whole division was moved back to a position near Heudicourt, where it
enjoyed a fine rest with very little hard work attached to it. Daily drilling
took the place of fighting. The men were kept in good condition by this process
ready for any emergency. Finally when the Army of Occupation was well up to its
positions on the Rhine, the Twenty-eighth was chosen as one of several divisions
to make up a line of support to the troops entering Germany and were assigned a
base in Lorraine. By being assigned as part of the army of support, the division
was given a direct share in the final triumph, and the honor came as recognition
of the excellent service and sacrifice it had made during the last months of the
great World War.
Maj. Gen. William H. Hay succeeded Gen. Muir in command
of the division after the armistice was signed, and Gen. Muir was given the
command of the Fourth Army corps. He left the Twenty-eighth with deep regret.
Before leaving he took occasion to once more commend the division in its
entirety for its part in the war, and directed that special orders commending
each unit, and mentioning some of the special feats it accomplished, be drafted
and distributed to every man in the division. This was done. The communication
in part read:
“The Division Commander desires to express his
appreciation to all the officers and soldiers of the Twenty-eighth division and
to its attached units who at all times during the advance in the Valley of the
Aire and in the Argonne forest, in spite of their many hardships and constant
personal danger, gave their best efforts to further the success of the division.
“As a result of this operation, which extended from
5:30 o’clock on the morning of Sept. 26 until the night of Oct.8, with almost
continuous fighting, the enemy was forced back more than 10 kilometers.
“In spite of the most stubborn and at times desperate
resistance, the enemy was driven out of Grand Boureuilles, Petite Bouruilles,
Varennes, Montblainville, Apremont, Pleinchamp Farm, Le Forge and Chatel-Chehery,
and the strongholds on Hills 223 and 224 and La Chene Tondu were captured in the
face of strong machine gun and artillery fire.
“As a new division on the Vesle river, north of
Chateau-Thierry, the Twenty-eighth was cited in orders from General Headquarters
for its excellent service, and the splendid work it has just complete assures it
a place in the very front ranks of fighting American divisions.
“With such a position to maintain, it is expected that
every man will devote his best efforts to the work at hand to hasten that final
victory which is now so near.”
Although the One Hundred and Ninth, One Hundred and Tenth, and One Hundred and
Eleventh infantries, distinguished themselves throughout the Argonne-Meuse
campaign, the One Hundred and Twelfth displayed no less valor, and took its
share of the severe fighting with equanimity of feeling, fulfilling each task
with a thoroughness that only true Pennsylvanians can accomplish. Maj. C. Blaine
Smathers of the University of Pittsburg, who resides in Oakmont, during a
portion of the offensive was second in command of the regiment and later became
its commander when officers ahead of him received promotions. Maj. Smathers was
gassed and was forced to undergo treatment at a hospital. Maj. Smathers tells
many incidents that occurred to the One Hundred and Twelfth infantry which are
interesting.
He tells of how previous to the opening of the Argonne-Meuse offensive the
Fifty-sixth brigade, composed of the One Hundred and Eleventh and the One
Hundred and Twelfth infantries was stationed near Epieds, just north of the
Marne river. A battalion of the One Hundred and Eleventh was in a woods nearby
and apparently lost. The exact location of the battalion could not be learned
and the predicament was exasperating for the brigade artillery could not let go
at the Boche for fear of shelling the lost battalion of the One Hundred and
Eleventh. The one thing that had to be done was to locate the lost battalion
which was in command of Col. Shannon, also commander of the One Hundred and
Eleventh infantry. Accordingly on the morning of July 28, 1918, the first
battalion of the One Hundred and Twelfth under command of Maj. Smathers went
forward to locate the lost battalion. During the advance through the woods the
searching battalion was heavily shelled. It stopped to reconnoiter at a vantage
place in the forest and Capt. James Henderson of Oil City, Pa., with a patrol of
men was sent out to locate Col. Shannon. He went several hundred yards,
succeeded in locating the missing battalion and Col. Shannon, but when returning
with his command was struck by a Boche high explosive shell and killed
instantly. Location of the battalion, however, proved of decided advantage for
it permitted the brigade artillery to open fire on the Boche positions, and
removed the danger of striking the lost battalion.
MAJ. SMATHERS BECOMES FIRST IN COMMAND
During the second Marne offensive, Brig. Gen. Weigle,
in command of the Fifty-sixth brigade was promoted to major general and was sent
to the north to command a division. Col. George C. Rickards assumed command of
the Fifty-sixth and Maj. Smathers was promoted to first in command of the One
Hundred and Twelfth infantry regiment.
Just before the Twenty-eighth was relieved at the
Aisne, Maj. Smathers was gassed. He was leading an attack and going forward
under difficulties. The day was a hot one, and the Boche persisted in sending
over a gas shell every so often. “Mixing them up” the doughboys called it. Maj.
Smathers had trouble with his gas mask. The air was sultry and with the poorly
functioning mask the major could not get his breath. Accordingly he removed it
from his face for a minute or two and tried to adjust it. In so doing he inhaled
a slight quantity of gas which later necessitated his removal to the hospital.
He was confined there for three weeks but rejoined his command on Aug. 19.
After a short rest the Fifty-sixth brigade moved again
up into the front lines. On the night of Sept. 5, the One Hundred and Twelfth
was located in a small woods near the Vesle river. The divisional artillery was
in the same woods with a large number of artillery horses. During the afternoon
of the following day a Boche place flew overhead at an unexpected moment,
located the small concentration of troops and flew back again to his own lines.
That night, and it was not unexpected, bombing planes flew overhead and dropped
several huge bombs in the midst of the troops. Many were killed and injured and
50 artillery horses were killed.
On the night of Sept. 19 the One Hundred and Twelfth
infantry relieved a French regiment in the front lines of the Argonne sector.
For several days there was little action by either the Americans or the Germans
in the trenches opposite them. On Sept. 23, Lieut. Col. Bubb took command of the
regiment, and then on the 25th the entire division was moved up into a position
for attacking. The Argonne forest lay just ahead of the attacking armies and the
offensive was carefully planned. Zero hour was set for 5 a.m. on the 2th [sic].
The One Hundred and Eleventh infantry was in support of the One Hundred and
Twelfth which bore the brunt of the first attack. The Pennsylvanians went over
the top after an all night bombardment with the One Hundred and Eleventh
following closely. Throughout the entire day the fighting was severe.
About evening the regiment drew an intense machine gun
fire from the enemy, which resulted in heavy losses. The fighting regiment,
however, kept on, and Co. M, of the One Hundred and Twelfth, made up almost
entirely of Grove City boys, saved the day. Reconnoitering through the woods the
company captured 49 Boche artillerymen who were amount to[sic] man two German 77
m. guns. They had been placed in the edge of the woods and commanded a
considerable portion of the valley up which the conquering armies were marching.
With their tremendous capacity, the German gunners could have swept the invading
forces with such an intense fire that further progress would have been almost
impossible. Fortunately Co. M located them before they got into action.
Parallel with the conquests of the Twenty-eighth or
“Iron Division” are the deeds and fighting valor of the Eightieth division,
which was made up of men from Pennsylvania, Virginia and West Virginia. The
Eightieth division has been named the Blue Ridge division, its members being
recognized by a shield insignia of olive drab cloth upon which is superimposed
in the center three blue hills, representing the Blue Ridge mountains, all
outlined in white. This insignia is worn on the left shoulder of the uniform.
The greatest number of Pennsylvanians grouped together in separate unites of the
Eightieth were in the Three Hundred and Nineteenth, Three Hundred and Twentieth
infantries and Three Hundred and Fifteenth machine gun battalion.
The Blue Ridge division encountered its severest
fighting in the Argonne Meuse offensive from Sept. 26 on until the armistice. It
advanced to positions farther to the north than did the “Iron Division,” which
had a more strongly defended sector to fight against and was materially checked
by the concentration of troops around Varennes and Apremont. The part the two
divisions played in the Argonne fight was intended to be different. It was the
severe defeat of the Germans at Apremont and Varennes that permitted the
American armies to pursue the fleeing Hun so far to the north. Unlike the
Twenty-eighth division the Eightieth had no set battle front during the Argonne
fight, once the offensive was under way, but was shifted from one place to
another in the battle line. This shifting about subjected the Eightieth to many
long, wearisome marches.
FIRST BIG FIGHT OF THE EIGHTIETH
On Sept. 25, after having marched two nights from a
rest camp in the St. Mihiel sector, the Blue Ridge division reached the
Bethincourt sector of the Argonne Meuse offensive, which place they had been
accorded by the higher command. From the morning of Sept. 26 until the 29th they
advanced into the Argonne. From Oct. 4 to 12 they were in the Nantillois sector
of the Argonne-Meuse battle, and were moved forward on Nov. 1 to the St. Juvin
sector where they fought until the 6th.
The Blue Ridge fighters in their big drive of 17 days from Sept. 26 until
Oct.12, and in their last days of the offensive, of Nov. 1, to Nov. 8, reflected
the great manhood of the three Blue Ridge states, Pennsylvania, West Virginia
and Virginia. Recognition of the division’s great work was exemplified in the
promotion of its commander, Maj. Gen. Cronkhite who was placed in command of an
American army corps. The honor would probably have carried a three star
decoration had it not been for a war department order prohibiting promotion
under certain conditions. Maj. Gen. Sturgis, whose father held the same rank in
the Civil war, was placed in command of the Eightieth after the promotion of
Maj. Gen. Cronkhite and continued to command until the armistice was signed.
The One Hundred and Sixtieth brigade made up largely of
scrappers from Pittsburg and vicinity was fortunate in having for its commander
Brig. Gen. Lloyd M. Brett, who has been in active command of troops for 40
years. Gen. Brett was rated among the A.E.F. leaders as one of the very best.
His military genius was tempered so generously with fatherly action that he soon
became dear to the hearts of the 7,000 troops who made up his command.
USED EXCEPTIONAL STRATEGY
General Brett was exceptional in his methods of
fighting. H used military strategy that has not been surpassed and in very few
instanced did he adhere to the set forms that were commonly known by the allied
and German forces. Peculiar enough his many schemes resulted in decided
successes. In the capture of machine gun positions, for example, Gen. Brett
employed a brad ne method when it was found impracticable to use a flanking
movement. Gen. Brett’s orders were to have the men seek cover and re-form.
Meanwhile the artillery would be instructed to lay down a barrage over the
positions infested by enemy machine gunners, which would be so severe that the
Boches would be compelled to seek shelter in their dugouts. The order would be
given for the barrage to cease and suddenly before the Germans would get back to
their guns, Gen. Brett’s men would sweep down upon them and capture the Hun
crews in their shelters.
Another method employed by Gen. Brett to combat the
deadly machine gun was to resort to tactics which required the enemy gunners to
maintain a continuous fire. Machine guns are capable of keeping up a sustained
fire for a period of 20 minutes when they become too hot to be efficiently
handled. After the enemy would be kept busy firing for this period an advance
would be made upon them and their capture would be made possible at a minimum
cost.
It was not an infrequent occurrence, it is claimed, to
see Gen. Brett out in front in the thick of the fighting with the men of the
units in his command. He was where his men were, and he was often seen giving
water and aid to a fallen soldier. While at Camp Lee and during the fighting in
France he was fairly idolized by his soldiers and the men declare that he was
more of a father to them than an officer, as he always had their welfare at
heart. He was in touch with the men in the ranks and it was not an uncommon
sight to see him chatting with them.
|
|
