Part II.

Pages 236-290.

Useful map for this chapter: Historical Map of Southwestern Pennsylvania.

Journal Kept at Ligonier During the Building of the Stockade
Fort of the Revolution, Called Fort Preservation.

Septr 28th. [1777] 12 o'clock an Express from Palmer's Fort that George Findlay (69) come in wounded and some more men missing. In the Evening Capt Shannon (70) with 16 Men was ready to March, but the Night's being very dark thot it most advisable to wait till day break.

[Sept.] 29. When Day appeared the Men Marched to Palmers Fort and were reinforc'd with 9 Men more then proceeded for Findlays about Twenty Miles distance from Ligonier. 4 Miles from Palmers we met with Capt Hinkson (71) & 12 Men returning from burying a Boy that the Indians had kill'd & scalp'd at Findlays (72.) We proceeded to Rogers within a mile of the place that Night & next Morning we examin'd the Woods—coul'd find but 4 Tracks leading into the Laurell Hill towards Bedford. As they had so much start judg'd it more prudent to take the Kittanning Path in order to meet with any partys that might be coming into the Inhabitants. We cross'd over the Chestnut Ridge, Brushy Valley, Blacklick Creek, Yellow Creek, & Twolicks Creeks to James Wilkins without discovering any Signs of Indians. We encampd before the House & kindl'd Fires. The Inhabitants in all this part of the County having fled some Weeks before.

[Sept.] 30. Before Day we left the Fires and march d into the Woods in order to have an equal chance with the Enemy shou'd they be on Watch. After Day Broke we took a course across the Country to discover if any partys from the Alleghenny had lately come into the Inhabitants. About Nine O'clock we came on the Tracks of a large party of our People steering a Course for the River. We thot it needless to proceed any further, as that Party was to range the course we were steering. We then took a Road for Wallaces Fort & came there about 12 o'clock from which place the Men Went the Day before to look for Col. Campbell who was thot to be kill'd with 5 more Men. We return'd that night to Ligonier.

Octr. 1st. This Day we were inform'd the Men who went from Wallaces Fort to look for Col. Campbell (73) had return'd. The Indians had taken him & the other Men Prisoners by a Memorandum left along with five proclamations from the Comn [Commandant] of Detroit offering a continuance to all officers in their Stations & Ranks in the King's Army if they wou'd repair to his Standard at Detroit. * * * *

Memorand: On our return to Ligonier 4 Miles Distance we were inform'd of Thomas Woods being kill'd about five miles from the Town, which occasioned us to make a forc'd March after Dark into the Town to have the greater certainty. * * * *

Octr. 3. Capt Shannon & myself went up to Col. Lochry (74) to know if he had adopted the Plan of Building a Fort & Magazine at Ligonier for the Support of the Country and to keep the Communication open to Fort Pitt. He inform'd us that he approv'd of the same, & wrote a letter of Instructions to Col. Pollock (75) to appoint persons to superintend the Works & go on with them immediately.

[Octr.] 4. Sent Col. Lochry's Letter to Col Pollock.

[Octr.] 5. Col. Pollock came to Town and appointed Capt. Shannon & Myself to Superintend the Works. We immediately collected the People & inform'd them of Col. Lochry's Orders. They desir'd to know the Pay which we cou'd not exactly ascertain. As an unwillingness seem'd to prevail with some of working at an uncertainty, Col. Pollock propos'd riding up to Col. Lochry and having every thing done to their satisfaction.

[Octr.] 6th. Col. Pollock & Capt Shannon rode up to Col. Lochry, who wrote to the People that he cou'd not ascertain the Pay, but* assur'd them of pay equal to those engag'd in the same Business in the Continental Service.

[Octr.] 7th. We laid out the plan of the Fort & began with Trench:– Enter'd 2 Teams in the Service.

[Octr.] 8th. Continu'd digging the Trench, cutting & haling Pickets— Enter'd three Teams.

[Octr.] 9th. Continu'd digging the Trench cutting & haling pickets.— Began to set the Pickets.

[Octr.] 10th. Employ'd as the day before.

[Octr.] 11th. Employ'd as the day before.

[Octr.] 12th. Being Sunday the People refus'd to Work.

[Octr.] 13th. At Two O'clock, P. M., an Express from Capt Lochry at (76) Stoney Creek that he had three Brigades of Packhorses with Continental Stores under escorte; that a Man had been kill'd & Scalp'd the day before within half a Mile of that place; that he look'd upon it unsafe to stir them without a further* reinforcement, as he had only fifteen Guns to defend one hundred & forty Packhorses with their Drivers. At Day break Capt. Shannon with 24 Men march'd to Stoney Creek to his Relief. The Works lay still for want of men—there being only a Guard for the Town left.

[Octr.] 14th. About 4 o'clock this afternoon the escorte arriv'd safe at Ligonier without any Accident on the Road;—The Works lay still.

[Octr.] 15th. The Horse Masters apply'd to the militia Capts., vis, Knox & McGuffey for a Guard of Twenty Men to escorte them to Hanna's Town, which they refus'd. Capt. Shannon with 20 Men then set off & convey'd them to Capt. Lochry's, when he was reliev'd. Nothing done in the Works this Day.

[Octr.] 16th. The Escorte return'd from Capt. Lochry's.—A few Pickets set & some work done in the Trench.

[Octr.] 17th. Carried on the digging of the Trench—cutting, haling & setting up Pickets.

[Octr.] 18th. About sunrise James Clifford shot at an Indian near the Mill Creek, about a Quarter of a Mile from the Fort (77) A Party Immediately turn'd out. From the Blood it appear'd he was shot through the Body—a large stream spouting out on each side of the path, as he ran, for about 40 Rods when the Blood was stopp'd & the Tracks of three or four making into a close thicket. The Party examin'd the Thicket as narrowly as possibly but cou'd make no discovery, impossible to discover any Track. The remaining part of the day employ'd in the Trench & setting up the Pickets.

*[Octr.] 19th. A party was order'd out to reconnoitre if any sculking partys were near the Town or any Tracks. About 10 o'clock return'd without making any discovery Col. Pollock came & held a Conference with me & Capt Shannon on the propriety of having a Militia Officer to Command the Garrison & regulate the Militia—as Capt Shannon's Company consisted altogether of Volunteers, the Militia look'd upon him with a Jealous Eye of reaping all the Honour of erecting the Fort by the Indefatigable labour of his Men, we inform'd him [that] many of the Militia had come to the Works with a design to draw provisions & look at others working that I told them [that] unless they did Duty in the Works I shou'd absolutely refuse to Issue provisions to any such without an express order from the Lieut. of the County. Col. Pollock inform'd us the whole Battalion was order'd into pay & service. I told him when in actual service* I would issue, but not otherwise. To remove all Jealousies it was agreed upon, that a Commandant shou'd be appoint'd to Issue the Orders of the Superintendants to the Officers of the several Companys. The following is a list of the Companys & the Number of their Men:—
     Captn Knox & 20 privates,
     Captn Shannon—27 privates.

A Lieut. of Capt McGuffey & 4 privates * * * * * * Captn Knox was appointed Commandant of the Garrison & of the Militia then in the Works.

[Octr.] 20th. Capt. Knox proceeded in the Orders of the Supr. in dividing the Men into proper partys. The Works went on well.

[Octr.] 21st. *The Works went forward briskly.

[Octr.] 22nd. The People began to grow tir'd of Work—disputed the Authority of the Superintendts—disallowed of Captn Knox & fell into confusion.—About five O'clock P. M, news was brot that about two hours before the Indians had kill'd two Children & scalp'd them, two more they scalp d alive within 200 yards of Palmer's Fort. A party pursued them, & in a short time the People of the Fort fired off their Guns to give those persons notice who had gone to their plantations, which the party in pursuit hearing, imagin'd the Fort to be attack'd, immediately quit the pursuit & return'd.

[Octr.] 23rd. The People fell to work again—a few Loads of Pickets cut & haul'd & some Men appointed to repair the outhouses for the reception of the Inhabitants.

[Octr.] 24th. The People fell into confusion again—many of them went home; this morning Daniel Grafins House & Grain was burnt* within a mile & a half of Palmers Fort.—The People return'd in again. James Clifford on his Return saw an Indian on the opposite side of Mill Creek—he imagined him (the Indian) to be one of his own Company & challenged him—on which the Indian immediately whipped on his Horse, & it being very Dark got into the Woods. On receiving this news at the Town, Capts Shannon & Knox with 19 Men about Midnight set off to examine the Houses on Mill Creek between the Ford & Laurell Hill before Day Break, which they accomplish'd before day without discovering any appearances of Fire. On their return in the Morning being rainy, they discoverred a Track about a Mile from Ligonier which cou'd not be made out any further than a few Rods, as the Leaves had fallen much & the Weeds kill'd with the frost. Near to where the Indian was kill'd they discoverd two more tracks, but raining hard the tracks cou'd not be made out with any degree of certainty.—The Artificers wrought at the Gates.—Clifford's Team discharg'd.

[Octr.] 25th. Rain'd. McDowell & Johnston's Teams hawling Fire wood for the Inhabitants.

[Octr.] 26th. Being Sunday the People went out in Partys to their Plantations. In the afternoon an escorte came from Bedford with two Brigades of Pack horses loaded with Continental Stores. The Horse-masters made application to the Military Officers for an escorte, which was refused.

[Octr.] 27th. Rainy.—Col. Pollock & Capt. Knox set off this afternoon for Col. Lochry's. Before they set off Capt Shannon & myself requir'd some Men to turn a run of Water out of the Trenches which was washing & filling them:—He gave us for answer he [that is, Pollock] cou'd do it himself in Fifteen minutes. Without doing it himself or ordering Men to do it, we were obliged to hire two Men to turn the Water & dig a Trench to carry it off clear of the Works. This day the Sergeant of Capt. Knox's Company & Lieut. Curry log'd a Complaint with Capt. Knox against me as Commissary—that I wou'd not Issue their Provisions & was partial in favour of Capt. Shannon. When he spoke to me on the Complaint, I told him the Flour was not come in; that I had offer'd the Beef yesterday but they wou'd not take a part without the Whole. This Evening they received the Beef. This Day we receiv'd an Acco'nt of Jno. Cunningham being shot at & pursued by an Indian 10 miles below Ligonier. Cunningham had shot a Turkey & as he went to pick it up the Indian fired at him.

[Octr.] 28th. This Morning Lieut. Curry sent over his Provision return. I had not Flour to spare, & told his Man that I wou'd Issue d'uble Rations of Beef. The Fellow insulted me, when Mr. George Reading (78) lent me the Quantity—Rain'd the whole day excessive hard.—the Loyalhanna overflowing the Banks.— Partys out for a considerable Distance round the Town Reconnoitering:—made no discovery.—2 Springs spouted out in the Trenches, which keeps them full of Water.

[Octr.] 29th. This day snow'd & Rain'd excesive hard—Nothing done except a few reconnoitering—Wm. Halferty made a return of the Grain and Forage brot into the Garrison. The Waters still continue high.—Capt. Ourrie (79) gave us agreeable news of the Enemy being pent up near Philada. and a Defeat unavoidable: fresh Courage & more Whiskey wou'd * make our People Fight the English or the D: a Scout order'd for to-morrow to Range the Chestnut Ridge and Laurell Hill between Palmers Fort and Ligonier.

[Octr.] 30th. This, day Capt. Shannon & myself rode up to Col. Lochry's. At Capt. Lochry's a complaint was made to me by the former Magistrates that Col. Proctor, while in the Assembly, had laid past for the use of the Magistrates the Votes and the Different Asemblies from 1744, together with a complete set of the Laws, which have not been sent to them. They desired the Copyes may be Furnish'd them as their Properties, from an Ordinance of Convention pass'd the 3rd Sept., 1776. The Scout turn'd out this Morning consist'g of 18 Men return'd without any Discovery of any Indians or Tracks.

[Octr.] 31st. This day Lt. Col. Pomroy came to take Command of the Garrison. (80.) The Trenches continued full of Water. The teams employ'd in haling Pickets—the Men in Cutting.

[Novr.] 1st. The People employ'd in Cutting, Hawling & Setting of Pickets. & clearing the Trenches of Water.—Set up the North Gate 10 Feet Wide—12 Feet High in the clear.

[Novr.] 2nd. The People generally inclined to go Home. Many Familys did go about 2 oclock, P. M.—Mr. Woodruff came and inform'd us that Wm. Richardson was found kill'd & scalped about 3 miles from Ligonier—3 Strokes of a Tomhawk in his head & the upper part of his Scull broke in.—About 3 miles from Richardsons 2 men were killd & Scalp'd & a Woman missing. 24 of our Men turn'd out and bury'd Richardson. There appear'd only 4 tracks. It was Dusk before we got him bury'd. —Return'd to Ligonier.

[Novr.] 3rd. Employ'd in setting, cutting & hawling Pickets—The Forage Guard went to Richardsons to thrash Oats and Wheat yesterday.—As a party was returning to Palmers Fort from a Scout about a mile from that, one of the party being a small distance behind was call'd on to stop—first in a low voice, a second time louder, & a third time very loud. The Person made up to the Party but being dusk did not return to the place until the next morning. * * * found the * * * (81.)

*[Novr.] 4th. Employ'd about the Pickets.—digging the Trench—the Forage Guard continu'd at Richardson's.—Col. Pollock came down from Hanna's Town & inform'd us that Gen. Hand had return'd to Fort Pitt—that the expedition was set aside for this season. (82.)—Clifford began to Hawl with his Team. * * * Yesterday Morning Capt. Shannon with 5 Men sett off to meet the Scout from Barr's Fort & Wallace's Fort to range the Chestnut Ridge for fifteen miles, which they did without any discovery of Indians except at the Places where the People were kill'd. * * * * They likewise found a Mare belonging to Saml. Craig who had been coming to Ligonier for Salt on Saturday. * * * * he is suppos'd to be taken prisoner as his body cou'd not be found. (83.)—These Scouts fir'd the Ridge in many places. * * * * Capt. Shannon return'd. * * * * Col. Pomroy demanded from me the Continental Salt to have it in his own keeping. * * * * refus'd delivering it without an Order from a Continental Officer. * *
Let him have half a Bush for Palmers Fort & 1/2 a bushl. for Barrs Fort. (84.)—Sent 2 Light Horse Men up to Col. Lochry for an Order to detain some of the Arms & Ammunition for this Fort. * * * * About one half a Mile from Ligonier, being very dark, they heard some human Voices, but cou'd not distinguish who they were.

[Novr.] 5th. The Light Horse Men return'd with the news that Yesterday about 11 o'clock Wallace's Fort was attacked by a number * of Indians on one Side while a White Man on the Other Side came wading up the Tail Race of his Mill with a Red Flag which seem'd to be intended as a deception for the attack. When the Man appear'd open to the Fort in the instant of the Attack 7 Balls were fir'd thro him. * * * * 2 of the Balls went thro 2 Letters he had ty'd in a Bag which was hung round his Neck down his Breast. * * * * From what cou'd be discover'd by the Letters they were proclamations from Detroit to the same amount of those found with Col. Campbell.—The same day the People about Palmers Fort were fir'd on. * * * * Several Partys were discover'd about there & Squirrell Hill. * * * * Tomorrow we expect an Attack. * * * * This evening Capt. Shannon & 2 Men set off for Col. Lochry's for Ammunition. * * * * Return'd at Night with 41 lbs. Powder, 15 lbs. Lead. * * * As the Light Horse return'd some of our working party being near the place where they heard the Voices, they went and examin'd the Ground. * * * * Found 5 Indians Tracks. —At the same time the Indians fir d on the People at Palmers Fort they fir d on the Forage Guard about one and a fourth mites from the Fort without doing any damage.

This day Capt. Williams brot seven Men part of 25 Order'd by Col. Pollock out of his Company into the Works. * * * immediately on receiving the news they all ran away, having first drawn their provisions. * * * * 25 Men more were order'd from Capt. McGufichs comp'y. * * * He having only 6 Men & those in the Works, the Men cou'd not be furnish'd. * * * Capt. Shannon having 27 Men constantly in the Works of his Volunteer Comp'y, he sent orders for 27 Men to relieve.

[Novr.] 6th. This day Centries posted out & Guards. * * * * Some Pickets set & hawl'd.—I demanded an Escorte to Bedford on public Business from Col. Pollock & Capt. Knox, which* they refus'd.—I apply d to Capt. Shannon of the Volunteer Company who with 3 Men escorted me. We left Ligonier at 8 o'clock P. M.—Came over the Laurell Hill to Jollys. (85.)— Very Dark.

[Nov.] 7th. We came safe to Bedford.—The People on the Road all Fled for 42 Miles from Ligonier.

[Novr.] 8th. I left Capt. Shannon on his Return to Ligonier. As I came thro Bedford news had come that a Man was kill'd directly after I pass'd the Mountain (upon it).

It will be seen from the last entries in the foregoing journal that on November 8th (1777), Thomas Galbraith, or the writer thereof, was in Bedford. The information which the Council of Safety obtained from "verbal accounts," and which in a communication from Lancaster, November 14th, 1777, they addressed to the Delegates of Pennsylvania in Congress, was in all probability obtained from him. They say (86):

"This Council is applied to by the people of the County of Westmoreland in this Commonwealth with the most alarming Complaints of Indian Depredations. The Letter, of which the inclosed is a copy, will give you some Idea of their present situation.

"We are further informed by verbal accounts, that an Extent of 60 Miles has been evacuated to the Savages, full of Stock, Corn, Hoggs & Poultry, that they have attacked Palmer's Fort about 7 miles distant from Fort Ligonier without success; and from the information of White Eyes & other circumstances, it is feared Fort Ligonier has, by this time, been attacked. There is likewise reason to fear the ravages will extend to Bedford, & along the frontier. We shall order out the militia of Bedford County, & take such other steps as may be immediately necessary for the relief of those settlements, but we find they are greatly deficient in the articles of arms, & especially ammunition & Flints. In Fort Ligonier, when our Informants left it, there was no more than 40 lb of powder & 15 LB of Lead—Flints are sold at a Dollar a piece.

"We must beg the assistance of Congress in these articles— arms we dare hardly ask, but ammunition & Flints we hope may be supplied by Congress both to Westmoreland & Bedford; and we must also intreat the attention of Congress to the general Defence of the Frontier. We know not the situation of Gen. Hand, his forces or his views; but we have reserved the militias of Bedford & Westmoreland, for the purpose of co-operating with him in those parts of the State, & the neighborhood.

"Mr. Thomas Galbraith will call on you in a few Days on his way to Ligonier, the supplies should be furnished to him from Carlisle, to be carried from thence on Pack horses. He will explain more at large their situation & it might not be amiss to communicate to him what may be expected from Gen. Hand, as well as what Congress shall order."

Col. Lochry reports to Pres. Wharton, under date 6th of December, 1777, the following (87):

"I Wrote to your Excellency by Col. Shields, giving a State of the Ravages Committed by the Indians on the Inhabitants of this County; they have still Continued to Destroy and Burn Houses, Barns and Grain, as you will see more Particular in a Patation from the People to the Honnorable Assembly, Praying Relieff. My Situation Has Been Critical; Genneral Hand required more Men than I could Possibly furnish from Two Batalions, which is all I can Pertend to have jurisdiction over, on acc't of the unsettled Boundery between this State and Virginia. I sent One Hundred men for the Remainder was Stopt by His Order, at the same time the frontears of our County Lay Expossed to the Marcy of the Savages, Not a Man on Our fruntears from Logenear to the Alegenia River, Except a few at fort Hand, on Continental Pay. I was Oblidged, by the Advice of the sub-lieutenants & other Principal People of the County, to adopt the Measures I Before Laide Down to your Excellency, I Requested Genneral Hands Approbation on the Plan, which he Declined, as you May see His Letter of the 18th October, if our Measures Had not been adopted, I am very Cartain there Would Not been Many Persons on the North Side the Greate Roade Now, if there is Not Stors Laide in this Winter, In Spring they Must undoubtedly Leave the Countery; they Have no Salt to lay up Meat, of which there is a greate Plenty, their Grain is all Burn'd & Destroy'd on the North of Connemoch, if there is no Store of Provision for Next summer, and the People Hindred from Getting Spring Crops the Countery is undoubtedly Broke up The Plan we Have addopted Has Been Put in Execution at the Expence of a few Individuals, which Cant Be Long Continued without supported by the Publick. I Have sent five Indian Scalps taken by One of our Scouting Party, Commanded by Col'l Barr, Col'l Perry, Col'l Smith, & Cap't Kingston [Hinkston?], Being Voluentears in the Action. The Action Hapned Near Kittaning, they Retoock Six Horses the Savages Had Taken from the suffering fruntears, for Encouragement to other partys I Hoop your Excellency Will make a Retaliation [compensation or reward?] for these Scalps."

We have an account of the affairs about Ligonier towards the middle of the next year, 1778, in a letter from Thomas Galbraith, from Lancaster, May 20th, 1778, to Col. Hambright. (88.)

"I left Ligonier the 2d May, the people had entered into an association to defend the place while their provisions would last or ammunition; their store amounted to one month's provisions & about 1 lb powder & 1 LB of lead per man. The Time will soon elapse that necessity will compell the inhabitants to seek for assistance elsewhere in the more interior parts of the Country. There are now two Brigades of Pack-horses in Canicocheague, to go with loading for Fort Pitt. The Pennsylvania Road for some time hath been shut by the Enemy, & prevents the necessary supplies being left on the line; if two Companies of Militia would be sent to guard the supplies of ammunition & Provisions up to Ligonier & Hanna's Town, the Inhabitants will be encouraged to defend the Posts more stoutly. The attention of the State to the Frontier will revive their drooping spirits; their situation will not permit those to move who can have supplies, to act on the Defensive, & their necessitys at present requires an immediate exertion."

Col. George Reading addressed the following letter from Fort Ligonier, April 26th, 1779, to President Reed (89):

"From our former acquaintance I am the more emboldened, to make free with you. Your letter of the 27th ult. I rec'd per Col. Jno. Shields. I accordingly communicated it [to] the inhabitants and used [m]y best influence with them to stand their Ground, in consequence of which several staid here which otherwise would have gone in hopes of speedy relief, which is yet delayed. This day the Enemy made a breach upon us, killed one man, taken one prisoner, another man missing, two families living some distance from the Fort, not known what is become of them, we not having men sufficient at this post to send out, being reduced to a very few inhabitants, and but eight men and boys as a guard to the Fort. I am sorry to say that unless we have some speedy support, and protection we shall be obliged to abandon this important Post, several of the families being entirely out of bread, must go 40 or 50 miles for what is got, and pay a most exorbitant price for. We dread being blocked up in a few days, the Enemy appearing numerous, and of course our creatures all destroyed, if that should be the case our situation will be most distressing, our case is not agrivated but rather mitigated."

Col. Lochry was notified by Gen. McIntosh in a letter from Fort Pitt January 29th, 1779, that he (Mcintosh) was just informed that a large party had just then set out to strike the inhabitants about Ligonier and Blackleg Creek. This information to Lochry was sent by an express so that the neighborhood might be acquainted of it and be upon their guard. (90.)

By orders from the Commander-in-Chief, General Washington, from headquarters at Morristown, April 12th, 1780, the supplies which were to be furnished by the State for the Continental service in these parts were directed to be deposited at Fort Pitt and Ligonier. To Ligonier was apportioned three hundred barrels of flour, eight hundred and fifty gallons of rum, forty tons of hay, and two thousand bushels of corn. (91.)

Owing to the difficulty of transportation, and from other causes, it is probable, however, that these supplies never came up to this quantity at any one time. (92.)

On June the first, 1780, Col. Lochry writes to President Reed that "Since Mr. Sloan, our representative, left this county, we have had three parties of the savages amongst us—they have killed and taken five persons two miles from Ligonier, and burned a mill belonging to one Laughlin." (93.)

In speaking of the ravages of the Indians in the county during the summer of 1781, Col. James Perry writes to President Reed July 2d, of that year, that on the last Friday two young women were killed in Ligonier Valley. (94.)

After the destruction of Hannastown in 1782 there was, during that fall, a ranging company, consisting of about twenty-two privates and two officers, stationed at Ligonier for the defense of that quarter. When these disbanded there was probably no force kept at this point after that, as the war of the Revolution was now over. (95.)

Plan of Fort Ligonier with Part of the Retranchment. Map 1.

The original fort erected at the Loyalhanna was called Fort Ligonier after the name of the head of the British army at that time. In October, 1757, Sir John Ligonier was made Commander-in-Chief of the land forces in Great Britain, and raised to the peerage by the title of Viscount Ligonier, of Enniskillen. He had greatly distinguished himself as a soldier, under the Duke of Marlborough, and afterward in Germany. In 1763 he was created an English Baron, and in 1766 an English Earl. He died in 1770, aged ninety-one years. He was born in France, his father was a Huguenot of a noble family. He fought in the battles of Blenheim, Oudenarde, Ramilies, and at Malplaquet twenty-two balls passed through his clothes without injuring him. (96.)

The old Fort Ligonier, as is evident from the plan here annexed, which was copied from the original in the British war office, was a work of strength and of some magnitude. It was intended to be such a place of defense as would meet all emergencies, and was especially constructed in conformity with the requirements of warfare peculiar to the time. It was designed and constructed to answer for more than a shelter against the Indians, and was made to resist the artillery and the appliances of civilized warfare. As it was on the direct line of communication with Fort Pitt, and from its location would necessarily be a relay station for convoys and a depository for war munitions, provisions and material, it was arranged with barracks and ample accommodations for a permanent garrison. As such a post it served its purpose throughout the French and Indian War, and the perilous time when the English held the line between the colonists and their enemies. In Pontiac's War, we have seen, it was one of the four posts which withstood the siege of the barbarians with much honor and to good purpose.

The Fort proper was but a part of the poet, which with its outward retrenchments, fascine batteries and redoubts, was really the harborage for a small army. The situation of the Fort, with its appurtenances, was, from a military point of view, excellent. It stood on an elevated ground within easy distance of the Loyalhanna Creek, being on the north or eastern bank, the stream here flowing northward. Eastward the ground was nearly level, but on all other sides it declined rapidly. At its highest point it was probably more than forty feet above the level of the creek, but where the passage way was made for access to the stream, the bank was such as to make the approach easy. A deep ravine extended along the side marked by the small stream as indicated in the plan. There is some traditional evidence, supported by circumstances of a probable character, that on the bank opposite this ravine, which is now partly built upon by the town, was the burying-ground used by the garrison and by the first settlers near the Fort. On the side of this sloping land within range of the guns of the Fort were the cabins of the settlers and those who had business at the post. The buildings which are referred to in the accounts of the siege during Pontiac's War were likely in this quarter. Many relics have been gathered about the ground, such as bayonets, gun-barrels, hatchets, knives, pieces of wagon-tire, flints and arrow-heads.

The fort which St. Clair speaks of in 1774, into which the people of the valley gathered during that Summer, was probably the old fort rehabilitated by St. Clair himself; for during this time this was the center from which he directed operations as the agent of the Penns. It is also probable that a part of the fort—the magazine and storehouse–had been kept up for the accommodation of the property belonging to the Province, down to at least 1772 or 1773. These structures from the nature of the material used in their construction logs and earth embankments and exposed as they were to the inclemency of the weather, could not last long without constant reparation. While the material of Fort Ligonier was of this perishable character, yet the earth-works, the bastions, the store-house, and the magazine were originally intended, as we have said, to be more permanent and substantial than was usual in the ordinary forts of that period.

The stockade of the Revolutionary period was an entirely different affair. The place which it occupied cannot be pointed out, but it is altogether probable that it was built near the site of the old fort, some remains of which, such as the ditch, were then utilized. The new structure was probably nearer the creek, and lower than the site of the old fort, as the circumstance of the water flowing into the ditch, mentioned in the "Journal," when it was building, would indicate. Doubtless , however, it embraced within its limits the magazine of the old fort, and was within proximity to the spring of the ravine.

It is proper to observe, without any motive of adulation, that the people of Ligonier Valley have ever manifested a spirit of patriotic interest in the historic events which are connected inseparably with old Fort Ligonier. Nor is there any place within the Commonwealth more deserving of remembrance or better calculated to arouse sentiments of filial gratitude and patriotic reverence.

Its history begins with the earliest appearance of civilization in these wilds. Its record antedates every other point west of the mountains secured by the English-Americans. The British historian in narrating the story of the conflicts of England with those nations of Europe which her valor and diplomacy conquered, and especially with France, with whom struggled for life or death for the supremacy, must mention the campaign of Forbes and the fort on the Loyalhanna; the annalist of the Province which the Penns founded, cannot help dwelling on the names of Ligonier and St. Clair; the history of the Commonwealth would be incomplete without allusion to it. Nor could the student of history whose attention is directed to the frontier wars, avoid, if he would, a recurrence to this place; for it is peculiarly identified with the history and traditions of a long and bloody savage warfare waged about her fields and round her stockade walls. The ground on all sides was wetted with innocent blood; families were torn asunder, captives were carried off, and widowed women and orphaned children left shelterless to the compassion of their neighbors. The unwritten events far outnumber those of authentic narration. For all the region of the Ligonier Valley between the mountain ridges extending to the limits of the occupancy of the whites, Fort Ligonier was the citadel, the place of refuge, the harbor of safety.

In two things particularly is the place notable. The one is in the interest that attaches to the circumstantial account Washington's great peril, and the other is in the association of the career of St. Clair with its early history. Of the memory of St. Clair, this whole region partakes. A character singular and unique, a life checkered and of many experiences, a career remarkably unfortunate—there is no personage more marked in its individuality during the Revolutionary period than his. He was a patriot, a soldier and a statesman, but unfortunate in a degree to arouse commiseration. This is not the place to do justice to his services or his character, and only a reference to him can be made. It may well be, however, that for no thing that he did will his memory be more likely to endure in the gratitude and respect of his countrymen than for the part he took in directing these people in the early days of the Revolution, particularly in their sentiments and attitude as manifested in the Resolutions passed at Hannastown, May 16th, 1775. (97.)

Notes to Fort Ligonier.

(1.) This regiment was authorized by Act of Parliament. It was to consist of four battalions of one thousand men each, and intended to be raised chiefly of the Germans and Swiss, who, for many years past, had come into America, where waste land had been assigned them on the frontiers. They were generally strong, hardy men, accustomed to the climate. It was necessary to appoint some officers, especially subalterns who understood military discipline and could speak the German language; and as a sufficient number could not be found among the English officers, it was further necessary to bring over and grant commissions to several German and Swiss officers and engineers. [Smollett's History of England, 111-475.]

The Royal American regiment is now the Sixtieth Rifles. * * * * Its ranks at the time of Pontiac's War were filled by provincials of English as well as of German descent [Parkman's Pontiac, Chap. 18, n.]

(2.) The Virginians wanted the expedition to advance on the road made by Braddock. Washington had an interview with Bouquet midway between Fort Cumberland, where his regiment lay, and Bedford, and spared no effort to bring him to his opinion. The final decision was not made until Forbes came to Raystown; for even then the very strongest efforts were put forth by those who favored the lower route. Washington gave many reasons why it should be preferred. Col. John Armstrong, of the Pennsylvanians, in a letter to Richard Peters from "Ray's Town, October 3d, 1758," says that Col. Washington was "sanguine and obstinate" as to the opening of the road through Pennsylvania, and adds, "The presence of the General has been of great use in this as well as other accounts."—Arch. iii, 551.

(3.) Some reports says 1,700 men. * * * * Col. Jos. Shippen in a letter to Richard Peters from the camp at Rays' Town, 16th of August, 1758: "The army here consists now of about 2,500 men, exclusive of about 1,400 employed in cutting and clearing the road between this and Loyal Hanning, a great part of which I suppose by this time is finished, so that I am in hopes we shall be able to move forward soon after the General comes up, who we hear is at Shippensburg on his way up. * * * * Col. Washington and 400 of his regiment have not yet joined us, nor has any of Col. Byrd's (of Virginia) except two companies."—Arch. iii, 510.

The number reported as so engaged, August 1st,in Sparks Washington, Vol. ii, p. 289, is 1,700. The numbers in all occasions vary, from obvious reasons, and particularly for the reason that the position of the troops was constantly changing.

(4.) Parkman—Montcalm and Wolfe, et seq. This authority is followed wherever necessary, and given literally.

(5.) The Pennsylvania Regiment consisted of three battalions. The Hon. Wm. Denny, Esq., Lieut.-Gov. of the Province of Penna., Colonel-in-Chief.

First Battalion—Colonel Commandant, John Armstrong.
Second Battalion—Colonel Commandant, James Burd.
Third Battalion—Colonel Commandant, Hugh Mercer.

(6.) We have no present information as to the date when Bouquet first came to Loyalhanna. He says, in a letter reporting Grant's defeat dated at Loyalhanna, Sept. 17th, 1758. * * * "The day on which I arrived at the camp, which was the 7th [of Sept.,] it was reported to me that we were surrounded by parties of Indians, several soldiers having been scalped or made prisoners." See Fort Pitt, by W. M. Darlington, Esq., p. 75.

From the side of the French we have some account of this period. Vaudreuil to Massiac, from Montreal, 28th of Sept., 1758, says: "M. de Ligneris has written to me from Fort Duquesne on the 30th of last month; he continues to have parties out, who brought him two prisoners on the 30th, [August] from whom he learned that Gen. Forbus [Gen. Forbes?] was immediately expected at Royal Amnon; where there were not more than 2,000 men, under the command of Col. Bouquet, with eight pieces of cannon or field carriages and several mortars; that a fort had been built there of piece upon piece, and one sawmill; as for the rest, they are ignorant whether Fort Duquesne is to be attacked this fall; that the Provincials had orders to go into winter quarters; that they had been since countermanded, but that people still spoke of dismissing them; that there are no more horned cattle at Royal Amnon, but plenty of provisions of flour and salt meats." Arch. vi, 2d ser. p. 553.

(7.) An early mention of the place, Loyalhanna, is in connection with the points on the Old Trading Path. (Records v, 747-750.) March 2, 1750, the Governor laid before the Council Mr. John Patten's Map of the Distance to the Ohio, together with the account given of the same by Mr. Weiser and the Traders in former examinations. He desired them to peruse the map carefully, and to examine a witness on the subject, who had accompanied Col. Fry to Loggs Town to a treaty held there in the year 1752.

The following distances are given as computed by the Indian Traders from Carlisle to Shanoppin's Town:

"From Ray's Town to the Shawonese Cabbin 8 miles * * * To the Top of Allegheny Mountains 8 m * * * * to Edmund's Swamp 8 m * * * * to Cowamahony Creek 6 m * * * * to Kackanapaulins 5 m * * * * to Loyal Hannin 18 m * * * * from Loyal Hannin to Shanoppin's town 50 m.

The Courses of the Road by Compass.

From Kackanapaulin's House N. 64 W., 12 miles to Loyal Hannin Old Town.
From Kackanapaulin's House N. 20 W., 10 miles to the Forks of the Road.
From Kackanapaulin's House West 10 miles to ____.
From Kackanapaulin's House N. 80 W., 15 miles to Shanoppin's Town.

Mention of the place in C. Gist's Journal:

Christopher Gist, as the agent of the Ohio Company, set out from Col. Thomas Cresap's at the Old Town on the Potomac River in Maryland, Oct. 31, 1750, on a journey of exploration. He was required to keep full notes for an official report. The Journal of the tour is found in Pownall's "Topographical Description of North America," published in London in 1776, but later reprinted in Christopher Gist's Journals, &c., by Wm. M. Darlington, Esq., Pittsburgh, 1893.

Following is an extract: "Monday, 12th Nov., 1750, set out from Stoney Creek N. 45, W. 8 N crossed a great Laurel Mountain [Laurel Hill] * * * * Tuesday 13.—Rain and Snow * * * * Wednesday 14.—set out in 45 W. 6 M. to Loyalhannan an old Town on a Creek of Ohio called Kiscominatis, "then N. 1 M., NW. 1 M. to an Indian s camp on the said Creek * * * * Thursday, 15, the Weather bad and I unwell I staid here all Day: the Indian to whom this Camp belonged spoke good English and directed Me the Way to this Town, which is called Shannopins Town: He said it was about 60 M. and a pretty good Way." Observe here the place is called an old town, and the creek the Kiskiminetas.

In the map accompanying the Report of Gist, called "Fry and Jefferson's Map, 1755." Loyalhanna is marked as an Indian place, not as the name of the "stream" which is called the Kishkeminetas. * * * * See infra.

George Croghan, the Indian trader in a letter to R. Peters, March 23d, 1754, giving the distance to the points on the trading paths westward, says: * * * * "The road we now travel * * * * from Laurel Hill to Shanopens [near the forks of the Ohio], is but 46 miles, as the road now goes, which I suppose may be 30 odd miles on a straight line." Arch. ii, 132.) Croghan, it must be remembered, was very zealous for action on the part of the province, and consequently did not magnify the distances.

In the "Account of the Road to Loggs Town on Allegheny River, taken by John Harris, 1754" (Arch. ii, 135) the following distances are noted from the points designated * * * * From Ray's Town to the Shawana Cabbins 8 M. * * * * to Allegheny Hill 6 M * * * * to Edmond's Swamp 8 M * * * * to Stoney Creek 6 M * * * * to Kickener Paulin's House, (Indian) 6 M * * * * to the Clear Fields 7 M. * * * * to the other side of the Lawrel Hill 5 M. to Loyal Haning 6 M. * * * * to the Big Bottom 8 M. * * * * to the Chestnut Ridge 8 M. * * * * to the parting of the Road 4 M. * * * thence one Road leads to Shannopin's Town the other to Kisscomenettes, old Town."

On Lewis Evans' Map, 1755, it is called "Loyalhanning," and it is marked as an Indian town, or camp, and is located on the south or western side of the creek.

From an "Analysis of a General Map of the Middle British Colonies"—from which this information is derived—"The greatest part of Virginia is composed with Assistance of Messieurs Fry and Jefferson's Map of it. * * * * The Map in the Ohio, and its Branches, as well as the Passes through the Mountains Westward, is laid down by the Information of Traders and others, who have resided there, and travelled them for many years together. Hitherto there have not been any Surveys made of them, except the Road which goes from Shippenburg which goes round Parnell's Knob and by Ray's Town over the Allegheny Mountains." * * * * This Map and Analysis were printed in Phila. by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1755. The Maps of the Ohio Company Surveys of 1750-51-52, were copied from the original in the Public Record Office London, by J. A. Burt, 1882 for Wm. M. Darlington, Esq., to whose work "Christopher Gist's Journals, with notes, etc." Pittsburgh, 1893, we are indebted for this, and other relevant data.

According to John Heckewelder—Names which the Lenni Lennape or Delaware Indians gave to Rivers, Streams and Localities, within the State of Pennsylvania, etc., Moravian Society's Publications," the word Loyalhanna is corrupted from Laweellhanne, signifying, the middle stream.

Other words in which time root of these two words are found, are Le-la-wi, the middle * * * * Lawi-lo-wan, mid-winter * * * * La-wit-pi-cat, mid-night * * * * La-wu-linsch-gan, the middle finger. (From the vocables to above on authority of David Zeisberger.)

Han-ne, signifies stream, and is applicable to river or creek. It appears in many names and in different forms. Kittanning from Kit-hanne, in Minsi Delaware, Gicht-hanne, signifying, the main stream, i. e., in its region of country. Tobyhanna, corrupted from Topi-hanne, signifying alder stream, i. e. a stream whose banks are fringed with alders. Youghiogheny, corrupted from Jud-wiah-hanna, signifying a stream flowing in a contrary direction, or in a circuitous course. * * * * Cawanshannock, corrupted from Gawunsch-hanne, signifying green-brier stream. The stream called Stony Creek in Somerset county is the English of the Indian name: Sinne-hanne, or Achsin-hanne.

A large creek on the eastern side of Laurel Hill is called by Frederick Post, Rekenpalin. Vide Journal.

The designation, Middle Creek as given to the Loyalhanna was applicable probably from the fact that it was about midway between the Allegheny or Ohio and the Raystown Branch of the Juniata. It was direct on the Indian trail, as we have seen, between these two points. There was a Shawanese town on the site of Bedford, it is said.—(See Note to Juniata, in Heckewelder, supra.)

Heckewelder says that Hanne means a stream of flowing water. Mr. Russell Errett says, however, (Magazine of Western History, May, 1885, page 53), that the word in common use among the Algonkin tribes for river is sipu, and this includes the idea of "a stream of flowing water." But in the mountainous parts of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, sipu does not sufficiently convey the idea of a rapid stream, roaring down the mountain gorges, and Hanne takes its place to designate not a mere sipu, or flowing river, but a rapid mountain stream.

Proper Indian names, we have seen, were written phonetically, so that the least deviation was liable to convey a different impression. Thus some of Heckewelder's names, it is said, do not exactly give the correct pronunciations to the English, for the reason that he naturally gave his vowels and diphthongs German sound.

We have preserved a remarkable incident of the correctness of this observation in this particular word . * * * * The Hon. Wm. Findley, member of Congress for many years from the Westmoreland district, an intimate friend of Washington, in reporting a conversation which they had touching Fort Ligonier, says (in part):

"The Fort, which is conversant with me, he [Washington and many others called Layalhana, after the name of the creek, was also named Ligoniers, [Ligonier's] near which there is now a town of that name." Wm. Findley to editor of Niles' Register for May 9th, 1818, p. 180. Letter dated Youngstown, Pa.; March 27th, 1818.

From the examination of a Delaware Prisoner [about] May, 1757, Arch. iii, 147 "they reported (while yet the French were at Duquesne), that 135 Indians had set off from Fort Duquesne, not designed against any Particular Place, but divide and fall separately in different places on the frontier: A party divided at Lawelpanning, &c."

In the French official report it is called Royal Hannon. The Indians it is known, could not pronounce "r." The only explanation of the French form is that they made it an English name. The vulgar conception of the name is that which gives it an English derivation. * * * * "The absence of the r, f, and v, the accumulation of the k sounds (all from the depths of the throat), * * * * are marked peculiarities of their [the Delawares] dialect." Trans. Mor. His. Soc. Introduction to Names, Heckewelder.

It is known that the Indians generally could not say rum, called it lum. Heckewelder says, in one place, an Indian called him Quackel, taking him for a Quaker (Indian Nations, p. 144.)

John McCullough's narrative of his captivity, written by himself is among the best productions of the kind, on account of its being accurate as well as entertaining. He is quoted frequently by Mr. Parkman—(See the Conspiracy of Pontiac, Chap. xviii, et seq.) * * * The author of the Narrative says, as part of his introduction, that "his endeavour throughout the whole is to make it intelligible to the meanest capacity; wherever he had deemed it necessary to retain Indian words, he has divided them into syllables, in order to give the reader an idea of the pronunciation." * * * * He was captured on the 25th day of July, 1756 from the Conococheague settlement, now Franklin county, near Fort Loudoun. He says: "I must pass over many occurrances that happened on our way to Pittsburgh, excepting one or two. The morning before we came to Kee-ak-kshee-man-nit-toos, which signifies Cut Spirit, an old town at the junction of La-el-han-neck, or Middle Creek, and Quin-nim-mough-koong, or Can-na-maugh, or Otter Creek, as the word signifies."

(8.) Western Penna., page 136—note.

As evidence of this see Post's Journal for 9th Nov., 1758. On this day he left Forbes and the army at the Loyalhanna, and proceeded with his friendly Indians on his journey to persuade the tribes about the Ohio to take part with the English. He says: "We waited till almost noon for the writing of the General. We were escorted by an hundred men, rank and file, commanded by Capt. Hazlet; we passed through a tract of good land, about six miles on the old trading path, and came to the creek again, where there is a large fine bottom, well timbered; from thence we came upon a hill, to an advanced breast-work, about ten miles from camp, well situated for strength, facing a small branch of the aforesaid creek; the hill is steep down, perpendicular about twenty feet, on the south side; which is a great defence on the west side the breastwork, about seven feet high, where we encamped that night." * * * Note—This was before the advance of the army under Forbes.

This place is easily located now. It is on the Nine Mile Run, a stream which flows into the Loyalhanna about a mile east of Latrobe. The land belongs to the heirs of John Rumbach, dec'd., and is situated in Unity township, Westmoreland county, about a mile and a half from Latrobe. The hill has always been known as the breastwork Hill. The breastwork running across the plateau, is within the memory of many persons still living. There can be no doubt that it marked the old Indian trail or trading path to Shannopin's Town from Loyalhanna: as to which see Post's Journal, same date.

Also Col. Bouquet's letter from Loyal Hanna, Sept 17th, 1758, to Gen. Amherst, (Fort Pitt by Wm. M. Darlington, p. 75), in which he explains the part he had in Grant's Expedition, contains the following : "I begged them to give me their opinion upon a project, of which I had spoken several times to Maj. Grant at Raystown, which was to attack during the night the Indians camped round the Fort in huts, and that the disposition could be made thus: Lieut.-Col. Dagworthy should march with 900 men to the post which was known to be 10 miles distance, there construct an entrenchment and remain with 200 men. The Major should march with 300 Highlanders, etc." * * * * By this "post" he probably meant the Nine-Mile Run position.

He says further: "On the 9th he departed, and I joined him on the 10th at the post, where Lieut-Col. Dagworthy should have stopped. I remained here all night, and saw him depart on the 11th with his detachment in good order. This post being nearly ready for defence, I returned to the camp." Id.

Also Gen. Forbes in a letter dated Raystown, Sept 23, 1758, (referred to in the text hereafter) to Col. Bouquet at Loyalhanna, says:

"I understand by these officers that you have withdrawn the troops from your advanced post, which I attribute to its being too small for what you intended it, or that it did not answer the strength that you at first described it to me. I shall be glad to hear all your people are in spirits, and keep so, and that Loyal Hannon will be soon past any insult without cannon." * * * * From Bouquet Papers, British Museum; quoted in Fort Pitt, supra, p 71.

Quaere. Whether Col. John Armstrong in letter to R. Peters, from Raystown, Oct. 3, 1758, Arch iii, 551 does not mean this when he says: "The Road to be opened from our advanced Post is not yet fully determined, and must be further reconnoitred." * * * * This letter to be compared with Forbes letter above, as to the order for examining the country for a road from this point * * * * See also the letter of Forbes first quoted. * * * At no place in the correspondence of this period have we seen the distance from the Loyalhanna post to Fort Duquesne fixed at 40 miles, and it is not likely that Forbes alluded to the Loyalhanna post in that letter.

(9) James Grant was born in the Parish of Inveravon, Banffshire, Highlands of Scotland, and after studying law entered the army in 1741, at Ensign, at the age of twenty-two, and became captain in the 1st Battalion, 1st Royal Scots, October 24, 1744. In 1747 he was appointed aid to Gen. James St. Clair, ambassador to the Courts of Vienna and Turin. Captain Grant served in the wars in the Netherlands.

In January, 1757, he was commissioned Major of the new 77th Regiment, 1st Battalion, known as Montgomery Highlanders, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Montgomery, afterwards Earl of Eglintown. They were ordered to America, and sailed from Cork, Ireland, and arriving at Halifax, America, in August. Sailed from Charleston, South Carolina, arriving there September 29th, having been ordered there with a portion of the Royal Americans, in apprehension of an attack by the French, from the West Indies. In 1758 the regiment arrived at Philadelphia from Charleston, South Carolina, and became part of Genl. Forbes army in his campaign of that year.

Grant and nineteen officers were captured. He was soon exchanged, and became Lieutenant Colonel of the 40th Foot in 1760, and was appointed Governor of East Florida In 1761 he was despatched by General Amherst, with a force of thirteen hundred Regulars, against the Indians of Carolina.

Grant succeeded to the family estate on the death of his nephew, Major William Grant. In 1772 he became Brevet-Colonel; in 1773 he was returned to Parliament for Wickboroughs, and at the general election of the year after for Sutherlandshire. In December, 1775, he was appointed Colonel of the 55th Foot. In 1776 Grant went as a Brigadier to America, with the reinforcement under General Howe. He commanded two British brigades at the battle of Long Island, was employed by Lord Howe on special services in New Jersey, accompanied the army to Phila., and commanded the 1st and 2d Brigades of British at the battles of Brandywine. And Germantown.

In May, 1778, he was sent with a strong force to cut off Lafayette, but was unsuccessful. He commanded the force sent from New York to the West Indies, which captured St. Lucia in December, 1778, and defended the island against an attempt to recapture it, made by a French force under the Count d'Estaing.

Grant became a Major-General in 1777, Lieutenant-General in 1782, General, in 1796. He was transferred from the 55th to the 11th Foot, in 1791, and was Governor, in succession, of Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. He was noted for his love of good living and became immensely corpulent.

He died at Ballindalloch, April 13, 1806, in his eighty-sixth year. Having no descendants his estate went to his grandnephew, George Macpherson, who assumed the surname of Grant. [Wm. M. Darlington in C. Gist's Journals, p. 207.]

Maj. Grant having been severely criticized on all sides for his rashness and what was regarded, his imprudence, it may be interesting to note the comments of an Indian chief, which have been preserved in the Narrative of Captain James Smith. He says: "When Tecaughretango had heard the particulars of Grant's defeat, he said he could not well account for his contradictory and inconsistent conduct. He said, as the art of war consists in ambushing and surprising our enemies, and in preventing them from ambushing and surprising us, Grant, in the first place, acted like a wise and experienced officer, in artfully approaching in the night without being discovered; but when he came to the place, and the Indians were lying asleep outside the fort, between him and the Allegheny river, in place of slipping up quietly, and falling upon them with their broad swords, they beat the drums and played upon the bagpipes. He said he could account for this inconsistent conduct in no other way than by supposing that he had made too free with spiritous liquors during the night, and became intoxicated about daylight.

Montcalm reports to Marshall De Belle Isle of an engagement as follows: "Montreal, 15th of Nov., 1758. We have just received news from Fort Duquesne of the 23d of Oct., Capt. Aubray of the Louisiana troops, has gained a tolerably considerable advantage there on the 15th. (?) The enemy lost on the occasion 150 men, killed, wounded and missing; they were pursued as far as a new fort called Royal Hannon, which they built at the head of the river d'Attique. We had only two men killed and seven wounded." (Arch. vi, 2d Series, 426.) The River Attique, is the name which is set down in early French maps for the Kiskiminetas. * * * * It is hardly enough exaggerated to answer for the French report of Grant's Defeat, but that is doubtless the one alluded to. * * * * Bougainville to Cremille reporting (Arch. 2d Series, vi, 425) the affair with Grant says: "Five hundred of them have been killed or taken, and almost all the officers. On our side, only eight men have been killed or wounded."

(10.) Quoted in Arch. xii, 392. Also History Western Penna., p. 139, n.

The following is a list of killed, wounded and missing: Highlanders, 1 killed; First Virginia Regt., 4 killed, and 6 wounded; Md. Companies, 2 killed, 6 wounded, 11 missing; First Penna. Regt., 4 killed, 5 wounded, 12 missing; Second Penna. Regt., 1 killed,4 wounded; Lower Country Company, 1 missing. Total—12 killed, 17 wounded, 31 missing."

(11.) See letter quoted in Fort Pitt, by Wm. M. Darlington, p. 81.

(12.) This engagement is mentioned in the Journal of Col. Samuel Miles, who says: "When the army lay at Ligonier [1758], we were attacked by a body of French and Indians, and I was wounded in the foot by a spent ball." * * * * Miles was then a lieutenant in the second battalion in the Penna. regiment. * * * * Mile's Journal, Arch. ii, 2d ser., p. 560.

* * * * * *

That Col. Burd was recognized as the hero of this engagement is very evident from a letter of a domestic character, recently made public in a biographical paper, entitled "Col. James Burd, of Tinian," by Mr. A. Boyd Hamilton, published in the Historical Register for September, 1884, Vol. ii, No. 3, the following letter is produced. The importance of this engagement would have been more generally recognized had it stood out alone, and had not the magnitude of succeeding operations somewhat obscured it. The letter is from Edward Shippen, Esq., the father-in-law of Col. Burd. It is of a private nature, and was not, of course, intended originally for the public. In this case, however, it serves the purpose of establishing the facts narrated. The preface is from the article.

"Colonel Bouquet writes Burd, on the 16th of October, that "General Forbes had fired a feu de joie for your affair" [meaning the engagement and repulse at the Loyalhanna]. That Burd actively participated in the victorious engagement at Loyal Hannon there can be no question, and the following from his father-in-law, Shippen, never hitherto published— the original is among the papers of the Dauphin County Historical Society—is interesting. It presents his conduct as it was understood by the public authorities and his fellow-soldiers. The neat self-glorification on the part of the writer gives a pleasant glimpse of the pride of a family circle over this "feat in arms" of a favorite son-in-law. The superscription bears an elaborate address [indicated by the lines of separation]. The bearer was Colonel George Gibson, father of the late Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of this State, John Bannister Gibson, whose mother was Fanny West, a niece of Hermanus Airicks;

"To Coll. James Burd, commander of the Second Battalion of the Pennsylvania Regiment at Loyal Hanning Per Favour of Mr. George Gibson, Q. D.:

"Lancaster, 6th Nov., 1758.
"Dear Mr. Burd: About the 15th or 16th ultimo, Johnny Gibson, Messrs. Hans Barr, & Levi Andrew Levi, wrote us from Raystown, that an acc't was just arrived there from Loyal Hanning, of your being attackt by a very large party of French & Indians from Fort du Quesne, & that you had killed two or three hundred and taken as many prisoners & beat off the rest. This now, you may be sure, gave us great cause of rejoicing, as it did the people of Philada., to whom Mr. Barnabas Hughes carryed copy's of these letters. Nay, I sent down two or three copies of them to cousin Allen & Neddy, [his son, the Judge]. In two days afterwards we had the pleasure to see your letter to Sally [Mrs. Burd], of the 14th ulto., with a confirmation of the repulse you had given the enemy; and tho you were quite silent as to the number killed, &c., yet our joy was greatly increased. I make no doubt you have slain a considerable number of the enemy, and I don t care a farthing whether I ever know the quantity, nor do I care whether you have killed more than half a dozen of them; it is enough for me to be convinced that you have driven off the enemy, & have bravely maintained the Post you were sent to sustain; & were you certain you had killed two or three hundred, out of 12 or fourteen hundred before their retreat, yet you could not be sure of success had you sallyed out and pursued them. Indeed, by taking such a greedy step, you might have been drawn into an ambuscade, & by that means been defeated, which might have put an end to the present expedition. You happily called to mind, that a Bird in hand was worth two in the Bush; & tho you don't pretend to equal skill with an experienced officer, yet I think you may lay claim to some share of Bravery, as you have so well defended your post, & I make no question but y'r General will pronounce you a good & faithful servant & will entrust you another time. I suppose he is with you by this time, considering the season of the year, the badness (now) of the road and the quantity of Provisions now at Raystown and Loyal Hanning, and the difficulty, or rather, (if ye winter should shut in immediately,) the impossibility of getting ye any more before the spring; I say he is without doubt considering all things; and so am I. And I am almost ready to conclude it will be impracticable, not to say imprudent, to attempt to march a step further this fall. But let the glorious attempt be made now, or at any other time, I pray God to give Him success, & return you all home in peace and safety."

Extract from French Archives: On the side of the French there is a letter reporting their movements about this time. Vaudreuil to Massiac, in the letter above referred to (Arch. vi, 2d Ser., p. 553), adds: "The English suppose us to be very numerous at Fort Duquesne. I am not sure whether the enemy will organize an expedition this fall, or wait until spring; the advanced season and the two advantages we have gained in succession over them would lead me to hope that they will adopt the latter course. [Does he here allude to the defeat of Grant and the attack on the camp at Loyalhanna as the two victories?]‘Tis much to be desired, for ‘twould not be profitable for M. de Ligneris to resist the superiority of the enemy's forces. Meanwhile, he will use all means in his power to annoy them; embarrass their communications and intercept their convoys. It is a great pity that be has been absolutely obliged, by the scarcity of provisions, to reduce his garrison to 200 men."

* * * * * *

(13.) Fort Pitt, p. 82.

(14.) Technically, a tenth part of a legion—about five or six hundred soldiers—sometimes applied to about that number of fort soldiers. Here used probably in a sense other than literal.

(15.) Letter before referred to in Fort Pitt, p. 75.

(16.) Fort Pitt, p. 71.

(17.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii.

(18.) Olden Time, Vol. ii, p. 545. In a report by George Croghan and the rest of the gentlemen who had been appointed by Mr. Morris, Governor of Pennsylvania, to lay out a road from Carlisle to Fort Cumberland, etc., they say: "He [Sir John Sinclair] is extremely warm and angry at our province; he would not look at our draughts, nor suffer any representations to be made to him in regard to the province, but stormed like a lion rampant."

To be fair with Sir John, he had no better opinion of the provincials or of those with whom he was associated,—Indians included. He wrote at the tail of a letter to the Swiss colonel: "Adieu my dear Bouquet. The greatest curse that our Lord can pronounce against the worst of sinners is to give them business to do with provincial commissioners and friendly Indians." Parkman—Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii. * * * * See mention of Sir John Sinclair at note to Col. Adam Stephen, below.

(19.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii.

(20.) All of the army had not yet come up on the 7th of Nov., as on that date Post sets forth in the Journal: "We rose early, and made all the haste we could on our journey; we crossed the large creek, Rekempalin, near the Lawrel Hill. Upon this hill we overtook the artillery; and came, before sun set, to Loyal Hanning. We were gladly received in the camp by the general, and most of the people. We made our fire near the other Indian camps, which pleased our people." * * * * It appears by a return quoted in Provincial Letters, p. 142, of Oct. 21st, (1758), that Col. Washington, commanding the Virginia regiment, was then encamped at Loyal Hannon with 461 rank and file. On the 25th of Oct. the companies of the Royal American regiment, under Col. Bouquet, Captains Ralph Harding, Francis Lander, and Thomas Jocelyn, were there in want of numerous articles of clothing, as were also the Maryland troops under Lieut. Col. Dagworthy. * * * * As to Captn. Jocelyn, see quotation from Arthur Lee's Journal, infra.

(21.) Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii, et seq.

Washington desired to show his zeal and patriotism for a common cause, actuated as he invariably was, by motives the most noble. He was accused of being obstinate to an unwarranted degree in opposing this route. He had insisted with unusual warmth that the Braddock route was the one the expedition should pursue. It has been observed that the chances were against the success of Forbes, at least until the summer of the next year, but for Washington and his men and their ways. That these were large elements in the success in that campaign, is certain. See Bancroft's History U. S., Vol. iii, p. 204, Cent Ed.: "Vast as were the preparations, Forbes would never, but for Washington, have seen the Ohio." See Sparks' Washington, Vol. ii, p, 315, etc.

(22.) Wm. Findley to the editor of Niles' Register, for May, 1818, p. 180, Vol. ii, new series.—Extract: "Since I am in the way about writing about Washington, I will add one serious scene through which he passed, which is little known and with which he concluded this conversation. He asked me how near I lived to Layalhana Old Fort, and if I knew a run from the Laurel Hill that fell into the creek near it. I told him the distance of my residence, and that I knew the run. He told me that at a considerable distance up that run his life was in as great hazard as ever it had been in war. That he had been ordered to march some troops to reênforce a bullock-guard on their way to the camp—that he marched his party in single file with trailed arms, and sent a runner to inform the British officer in what manner he would meet him. The runner arrived and delivered his message, but he did not know how it was that the British officer paid no attention to it, and the parties met in the dark and fired on each other till they killed thirty (30) of their own men, nor could they be stopped till he had to go in between the fires and threw up the muzzles of their guns with his sword." Letter dated at Youngstown, March 27th, 1818. * * * A charitable allowance, which is no apology for the integrity of Mr. Findley, may be made from the fact that this incident depended largely on his memory His veracity is not to be questioned.

By Gordon's account, a lieutenant and 13 or 14 Virginians were killed.

The following, from the Gazette, "is said to be the best account that can be given at Philadelphia, November 30," [1758]:

"On the 12, Col. Washington being out with a scouting party, fell in with a number of the enemy about 3 miles from our camp, whom he attacked, killed one, took 3 prisoners (an Indian man and woman, and one Johnson, an Englishman, who, it is said, was carried off by the Indians some time ago from Lancaster county), and obliged the rest to fly. On hearing the firing at Loyal Hanning, Colonel Mercer, with a party of Virginians, was sent to the assistance of Colonel Washington, who arriving in sight of our people in the dusk of the evening, and seeing them about a fire the enemy had been drove from, and the two Indians with them, imagined them to be French; and Colonel Washington being under the same mistake, unhappily a few shots were exchanged, by which a lieutenant and 13 or 14 Virginians were killed. That Johnson being examined, was told he had forfeited his life by being found in arms against his king and country, and the only way to save it and make atonement, was to give as full an information of the condition of Fort Du Quesne, and of the enemy, as he could, which being found to be true, his life should be spared, and in case of success he should be well rewarded; but if he should give any false intelligence, or not so full as be had it in his power then to do, he should certainly be put to death in an extraordinary manner. That upon this threatening and promise Johnson said, that the Canadians who had been with Mons. Vetri at Loyal Hanning were all gone home; that the Ohio Indians had also returned to their several towns; that the attempt made by Vetri at Loyal Hanning was only to make us apprehend their strength at Fort Du Quesne to be very great, whereas they were very weak there, and added that our army would certainly succeed. That the Indian man being likewise examined, his relation, we are told, agreed with that of Johnson; and they both said the French were very scarce of provisions, as well as weak in men, and that upon this information Colonel Armstrong, with 1,000 men and part of the train, was ordered to march next day, and the General designed to have followed the next day after with the whole army, but was necessarily detained till the 17th, when he certainly marched, and we hope is now in possession of Fort du Quesne."

"The General marched from Loyal Hanning 4,300 effective men, all well and in good spirits, besides Indians, and left a strong garrison there and at Ray's Town," &c.

"It is said Vetri and his people on their return from Loyal Hanning, were obliged to kill and eat several of our horses, whose skins and bones were afterwards found by some of our men."

Extract of a letter from Loyal Hanning, dated November 18:

"This day the General marched with the rear division of the army. The front division, under the command of Colonel John Armstrong, is now about 16 miles from Fort Du Quesne, and they have made a good road to their camp from this garrison."

"The party of the enemy mentioned in last week's paper to be attacked by our people near Loyal Hanning, we hear consisted of above 200 French and Indians, and it is said that had before taken and sent off Lieutenant James Hayes, of our Provincials, and another man."

(23.) Western Penna. Appx., p. 300.

(24.) Records, Vol. viii, 224.

(25.) In his Journal for December 2d, 1758, Post mentions Pittsburgh." On the 4th he speaks as having drawn provisions for "Fort Ligonier" on his return. From Post's Journal December 27th, 1758: "Towards noon the general set out. * * * * It snowed the whole day. We encamped by Beaver Dam under Laurel Hill. 28th—We came to Stoney Creek, where Mr. Quicksell is stationed. The general sent Mr. Hayes, express, to Fort Bedford and commanded him to see if the place for encampment, under the Allegheny Mountains, was prepared; as also to take care that refreshments should be at hand at his coming."

These places for the convenience of the General had to be prepared in advance for him. In a letter to Bouquet, from Raystown (Bedford), Septr. 23d, 1758, on his way out, Forbes writes: "Pray make a hovell or hutt for me at L. Hannon or any of the other posts, with a fire place if possible."

(26.) Arch., iii, 571.

(27.) Arch., iii, 510. Mr. Shippen was Brigade Major in Gen. Forbes' army. Olden Time, Vol. II, 465.

(28.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 428.

(29.) Arch.. 2d series, vi, 553.

(30.) Arch., 2d series, vi, 564.

(31.) Arch., iii, 685.

(32.) Arch., iii, 669.

Samuel Jones, a captain who served in the Penn'a regiment, in 1758 and ‘59, is marked dead, in a list made out in 1760. Pa. Arch. ii, 2d Ser., 609.

Col. Adam Stephen, mentioned above, was one of the foremost soldiers of his day, and but for a single failing would have been classed with the greatest of the Revolutionary Generals. He was a Virginian, and was with Washington in his first campaign, at the Jumonville affair and at Fort Necessity, and fought with him again on that terrible day at Braddock's Field. At the attack on Jumonville's camp, he with his own hands, made the first prisoner, capturing the Ensign, M. Drouillon, "a pert fellow." (Sargent's Braddock s Expedition.) * * * * In the Forbes' campaign, he and Sir John Sinclair could not get along together; and they had some hot words at Ligonier, when Sir John ordered him under arrest. Part of his regiment went with Major Grant— (Grant's defeat); and, under the circumstances, Major Lewis had to command. It is probable that Stephen, who was of a fiery nature, would not brook the Quarter-master's ways. "From this cause or some other, Lieut.-Col. Stephen, of the Virginians, told him he would break his sword rather than be longer under his orders. ‘As I had not sufficient strength,' says Sinclair, ‘to take him by the neck from among his own men, I was obliged to let him have his own way, that I might not be the occasion of bloodshed.' He succeeded at last in arresting him." [Montcalm and Wolfe, Chap. xxii.]

The following extract from a letter from Gen. Arthur St. Clair (not to be mistaken for Sir John Sinclair, as they were in no way related), refers to this circumstance. The letter is to Gen. Greene, who desired St. Clair's opinion upon some questions of military precedence; it is dated at West Point, August 10th, 1779, and is found among the St. Clair papers, Vol. i, page 482. He says: "Some time in the campaign of 1758, the late Gen. Stephens (then, I think, a major of Provincials), commanded at Fort Ligonier, upon the Loyalhanning, when Sir John St. Clair [so he writes it], Quartermaster-General, with the rank of colonel, arrived at that fort. He immediately assumed the command, and ordered Major Stephens to make returns of his garrison and stores to him. The major insisted on his command, and refused to make the returns. Sir John put him in arrest. The major complained to General Forbes, and demanded a court-martial. Whether a court-martial sat upon the matter I do not recollect, but this is certain, the major was released, restored to his command, and Sir John censured."

Gen. Stephen served in the Revolution. In 1776 he was Colonel of a Virginia regiment, and shortly thereafter was made Brigadier-General and then Major-General. He fought at Trenton, at Princeton, and at the Battle of Brandywine, and won the praise of his commander. "But at Germantown, where he led a division, the sins of his youth lay triumphantly in wait for him. That which neither the red skins of the Indians nor the red coats of the British had accomplished, was wrought by an enemy less honorable than either. The army was defeated; Gen. Stephen was dismissed. * * * * He was the founder of Martinsburg, Va., and called it after his friend Martin, a relative of Lord Fairfax." Near this place, in a corner of the beautiful estate of 'Boydville,' (Stephen's home), close by the road, is a heap of stone, some rough and some hewn as if in preparation for a monument, and under these lie all that was mortal of a pioneer, a patriot, and a general." [Rev. Geo. Hodges, in Pittsburgh Dispatch, Sept. 24th, 1894.]

(33.) Arch., iii, 674.

(34.) Arch., iii, p. Records, viii, 379.

(35.) Records, viii, 379.

(36.) Gen. Stanwix to Gov. Hamilton from Pittsburgh, Dec. 4th, 1759.

Arch., iii, 696. * * * * "The old battalions were last winter greatly distressed on the communication for want of pay, clothing and provisions. Numbers of them paid the debt of nature in the way of scalping, and many more died of the diseases arising from cold and hunger." * * * * Col. John Armstrong to Gov. Denny, from Fort Ligonier, Oct. 9th, 1759. Arch., iii, 688.

(37.) Arch., iv, p. 39.

A good idea of the movement of the troops and munitions from Ligonier in the summer of 1760 may be had from the journal of Col. James Burd, Arch. vii, 2d Ser., p. 419.

Col. Samuel Miles says that, "In the year 1759, I was stationed at Ligonier, and had 25 men picked out of the two battalions, Penna. regt., under my command," etc. Arch. ii, 2d Ser., p. 560.

In Arthur Lee's Journal there is mention of Fort Ligonier. Lee passed here in 1784, as one of the Commissioners appointed by Congress to hold treaties with the Indians. Extracts are printed in The Olden Time, p. 334. He says: "On. the 29th Nov. we traversed a part of the Allegheny called Laurel Hill, from an abundance of what is called in Virginia, ivy, growing upon it. On this mountain St. Joselin (this is the first time we have seen any allusion to this person, or to this attack, says the editor in a note, but Capt. Thos. Jocelyn was in the Royal American Regt. there) was attacked and killed by the Indians; but his convoy was saved. On this mountain Capt. Bullet was attacked and put to flight by a party of Indians within two miles of Ligonier, (Query: Does he here allude to the attack on Grant's Hill ?)—and at another time the savages attacked the hospital, and that was going from the fort and massacred the sick. At night we reached Fort Ligonier, built in 1758, by Gen. Forbes, as a station, in his progress against Fort Pitt—Duquesne. It was frequently attacked by the French and Indians, and many of its troops killed. A very good and capacious stockade fort was raised there during the late war [the Revolution] as a defense against the Indian incursions. But they massacred the inhabitants as far as Bedford, having passed the fort, through the woods and over the mountains."

(38.) Pontiac, Chap. xviii.—Parkman.

(39.) Pontiac, Chap. xix.—Parkman. Express Riders.

(40.) Archives, iv, 109.

Mr. Parkman has told in a graphic manner of the perils which beset the express-riders, whose desperate duties it was to be the bearers of the correspondence of the officers of the forest out-posts with their commander. "They were usually," he says," soldiers, sometimes backwoodsmen, and occasionally a friendly Indian, who, disguising his attachment to the whites, could pass when others would infallibly have perished. If white men, they were always mounted; and it may well be supposed that their horses did not lag by the way. The profound solitude; the silence, broken only by the moaning of the wind, the caw of the crow, or the cry of some prowling tenant of the waste; the mystery of the verdant labyrinth, which the anxious wayfarer strained his eyes in vain to penetrate; the consciousness that in every thicket, behind every rock might lurk a foe more fierce and subtle than the cougar or the lynx; and the long hours of darkness, when, stretched on the cold ground, his excited fancy roamed in nightmare visions of a horror but too real and imminent, such was the experience of many an unfortunate who never lived to tell it. If the messenger was an Indian, his greatest danger was from those who should have been his friends. Friendly Indians were told, whenever they approached a fort, to make themselves known by carrying green branches thrust into the muzzles of their guns; and an order was issued that the token should be respected. This gave them tolerable security as regarded soldiers, but not as regarded the enraged backwoodsmen, who would shoot without distinction at any thing with a red skin"

(41.) Pontiac, Parkman, Chap. xix.

(42) Gen. Amherst, the Commander-in-Chief, although an able officer, did not understand the Indians or Indian warfare. He could not see how the posts which had not fallen could not hold out. He was constantly finding fault with his officers. "His correspondence," says Parkman, "breathes a certain thick-headed blustering arrogancy worthy the successor of Braddock. In his contempt for the Indians, he finds fault with Capt. Ecuyer at Fort Pitt for condescending to fire cannon at them, and with Lieutenant Blane at Fort Ligonier for burning some out houses, probably those referred to by Blane in the above letter, under cover of which 'so despicable an enemy' were firing at his garrison."

Amherst could not speak of the savages with reason. In a postscript to this letter he made the suggestion to Bouquet, which has been much commented upon. He says: "Could it not be contrived to send the Small-Pox among those disaffected tribes of Indians? We must on this occasion use every stratagem in our power to reduce them." (Signed) J. A.

Bouquet was evidently somewhat chary about this method of proceeding, being afraid of catching the disease himself. Nevertheless in seeming to comply with the invitation to experiment in the manner suggested by his superior, he replies also in postscript: "I will try to inoculate them with some blankets, and take care not to get the disease myself. As it is a pity to expose good men against them, I wish we could use the Spanish method, to hunt them with English dogs, supported by rangers and some light horse, who would, I think, effectually extirpate or remove that vermin." * * * Amherst rejoined: "You will do well to try to inoculate the Indians by means of blankets, as well as to try every other method that can serve to extirpate this execrable race. I should be very glad your scheme for hunting them down by dogs to take effect, but England is at too great a distance to think of that at present. (Signed) J. A."

"There is no direct evidence that Bouquet carried into effect the shameful plan of infecting the Indian, though a few months after the small-pox was known to have made havoc among the tribes of the Ohio. Certain it is, that he was perfectly capable of dealing with them by other means, worthy of a man and a soldier; and it is equally certain, that in relations with civilized men he was in a high degree honorable, humane and kind." [Parkman—Pontiac, Chap. xix.]

It is not impossible, indeed, that Bouquet had a special horror of that disease, which might have been known. Surgeon J. Stevenson, in a letter preserved in Arch., iii, page 82, dated Phila., Dec. 13th, writes to Col. Bouquet: "The reason of my not paying my respects to you upon your arrival here, was owing to my being informed by Capt. Tullikins that you have never had the smallpox, and as I imagined from my being so often among the soldiers sick of that, disease, that my coming near you might make you uneasy, I on purpose avoided you."

(43.) Col. Bouquet wrote to Gov. Hamilton, from Carlisle, July 3d, 1763: "Fort Ligonier has likewise stood a vigorous attack, by means of some men who reinforced that small garrison from the militia at Bedford. The Indians expect a strong reinforcement to make new attempts on these two posts."

(44.) An Historical Account of the Expedition, &c.—Parkman's Pontiac.

The last reënforcement reached Fort Ligonier probably about the beginning of July.

(45.) Parkman's Pontiac, Chap. xxvi.

(46.) Darlington's Fort Pitt, p. 121.

(47.) Vol. ii, No. 6, Magazine of Western History, Cleveland, O.

(48.) Darlington's Fort Pitt, 138.

(49.) Arch., iv, 591.

(50.) Isaac Stimble's son Isaac conveyed, Feb. 18th, 1775 (Deed Book A, p. 66, Westmoreland County Records), the land which Isaac Stimble had "improved," joining the garrison lands at Ligonier.

(51.) See biographical sketch in St. Clair Papers.

(52.) Arch., iv, 514.

(53.) It is probable that the fort he alludes to here was Wallace's Fort and the Indian was Wipey, an account of whose killing is given further on.

(54.) Consult his correspondence in Fourth Archives, and the St. Clair Papers.

(55.) Arch., iv, 519.

(56.) Arch., iv, 503.

"May, 1774.—A meeting was held at Colonel Croghan's house, Ligonier, at which were present Guyasutha, White Mingo and the Six Nation Deputies. Guyasutha was one of the orators." * * * Christopher Gist's Journal, 212.

(57.) He doubtless means as evidence at the trial to convict these offenders.

(58.) Arch., iv, 543.

(59.) Records, x, 198.

The proclamation was made in pursuance of a resolution of the Assembly passed July 20, 1774, as follows:

"Resolved, That this House will make Provision for Paying the reward of One Hundred Pounds to any Person who shall apprehend James Cooper and John Hinkson, who, it is said, have barbarously murdered an Indian on the Frontiers of this Province, and deliver them into the Custody of the Keeper of the Gaol, within either of the Counties of Lancaster, York or Cumberland, or the sum of Fifty Pounds for either of them." Arch., iv, 549.

When the proclamation was published printed copies were ordered to be sent into Westmoreland.

There is not a harmony of agreement as to the exact place, or the stream, at which Wipey was killed. It is altogether probable that he was killed at or near the mouth of Hinckston's Run, a stream which is a confluent of Conemaugh river, having its source in Blacklick and Jackson townships, Cambria county, flowing in a westerly direction and emptying into the Conemaugh in the Fourteenth ward of the city of Johnstown, which stream—Hinckston's Run—takes its name from Hinckston, one of the men who killed Wipey.

It is likely that Wipey hunted and fished along the Conemaugh; and while the tradition is very direct of his being killed at the place we have mentioned, the fact would not be inconsistent with his having lived and abided at the place referred to in Wheatfield township, Indiana county.

On this subject I am privileged to quote from a letter of the Hon. W. Horace Rose, of Johnstown, Pa., a gentleman who has given the subject of the early local history of his part of the country some attention. He says:

"In reference to the killing of John [Joseph] Wipey, St. Clair's statement is in entire accord with the fact of the Indian being killed as I have stated. It is not above eighteen miles, perhaps but fifteen by the old Mountain road, from the mouth of Laurel Run, which is located about a mile and a half from Hinckston's Run [to Ligonier]. The old road, known as the Fairfield road, left the Conemaugh river about midway between the two runs. The statement I make about him having been shot below or near the mouth of Hinckston's Run is based upon the statement of the original settlers in this neighborhood made to my informants. The Adamses were well acquainted with Wipey, and from them directly those who informed me had the statement of his death, and the fact that he was killed while fishing, from a canoe or boat just below the mouth of Hinkston's Run. Their statement was that he was hidden in Laurel Run, to which point he floated in the canoe; and that the canoe was turned upside down and attracted the attention of some Indians who lived in the vicinity of what is now New Florence. They recognized the boat, which led to a search for Wipey. Hinckston and Cooper fled but were subsequently arrested. It was not claimed that Wipey made his permanent home at this point, but that he frequently came here and was associated with the Adamses. The information I have comes but second-handed from the Adamses who were interested in the Indian, he having at one time given them warning of a foray. It is hardly possible that the story could have been invented with such circumstantial particulars as were given in the tradition here. George Beam was well acquainted with the Adamses, and from them directly he obtained the statement. I knew Beam very well. He died at an advanced age, and resided in this locality from the close of the last century. He was thoroughly posted in the land-marks, and the history of the Valley.

"Hinckston, like Cooper, was a renegade, and tramped about the country, subsisting principally on game. Such is the account I have of the men who murdered the last of the Delawares.

"I wish to call your attention to the fact that if Wipey was killed about eighteen miles from Ligonier, Hinckston's Run would more nearly fill the distance than West Wheatfield."

The statement to which Mr. Rose alludes in the first sentence above was one made by him in the History of Johnstown (The Johnstown Daily Democrat, souvenir edition, autumn, 1894), viz: "In May, 1774, [Joseph] John Wipey, a Delaware Indian, the last of his race who lived in the valley, was shot while sitting in his canoe fishing, at the mouth of Hinckston's Run, by one of two renegade white men—John Hinckston and James Cooper."

Of the Adamses it is there said: "The Adamses were among the first to make a location in the vicinity of the Indian town (Conemaugh Old Town), and two of the streams, confluents of the Stony creek—Ben's creek and Solomon's run—take their names from them. They were located here before they made application for warrants." * ‘ * * We shall hear of Capt. Hinckston later on in connection with Fort Ligonier.

John Hinckston, about this time—29th of August, 1774— conveyed "all his right, title and interest, &c., in a certain location by and for me obtained out of the Proprietary's Land Office for the Province of Penna., bearing date 3d April, 1769, for the quantity of 270 acres lying on the river Conemaugh, bounded on the E. by land of Wm. McCune and on the W. by land of John Wood, being the Squirrel Hill Old Town, with the improvements."—Deed Book A, p. 65, conveyed to Thomas Galbraith, Innkeeper of Ligonier. Consideration, Four hundred pounds.

Hinckston was undoubtedly a deadly foe of the Indians.

In the narrative of Col. James Smith, before referred to, we have mention of this person. Col. Smith was, during part of the Revolution, a resident of Westmoreland county; and an office-holder here. He conducted an expedition, under commission from Brodhead, against the Indians on the upper Allegheny, which has been described very entertainingly by him. The following extract bears on the subject of Capt. Hinckston:

From Col. James Smith's Narrative: "In the year 1778, I received a colonel's commission, and after my return to Weatmoreland, the Indians made an attack upon our frontiers. I then raised men and pursued them, and the second day we overtook and defeated them. We likewise took four scalps, and recovered the horses and plunder which they were carrying off. At the time of this attack, Capt. John Hinckston pursued an Indian, both their guns being empty, and after the fray was over, he was missing. While we were inquiring about him, he came walking up, seemingly, unconcerned, with a bloody scalp in his hand—he had pursued the Indian about a quarter of a mile, and tomahawked him."

Col. Smith had some land in this county, situated on the headwaters of Sewickley creek. He is identified with the Sewickley settlement. In the summer and fall of 1778 most of the Indian fighters were on the line from Ligonier or Laurel Hill westward to the Allegheny river, along or to the north of the Forbes Road; while some inroads were made on the Sewickley settlement towards the Allegheny.

It might be that Smith's mention of this adventure refers to an account given by Col. Lochry to Thomas Wharton, President of the Council, December 6th, 1777, Arch., vi, 68, of the state of affairs here, in which he mentions that he has sent five Indian scalps, taken by one of the scalping parties which he had sent out, commanded by Col. Barr, Col. Perry, Col. Smith and Capt. Kingston [Hinckston], who were volunteers in the action which occurred near Kittanning.

As Col. Smith in his Narrative drew largely from his recollection, he might readily have been inaccurate in fixing the year 1778 as the time of his coming into Westmoreland county, or rather of this action, if it be the one he alludes to.

"An order was drawn in favor of Col. A. Lochry, Lieutenant of the county of Westmoreland, for the sum of twelve pounds, ten shillings, State money, to be paid to Capt. Samuel Brady, as a reward for an Indian scalp, agreeable to a late proclamation of this Board." In Council, Feb. 19th, 1781. Records, xii, 632. For rewards for scalps, see Records, xii, 328.

(60.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p. 347.

(61.) St. Clair Papers, Vol. i, p 14.

(62.) Arch., v, 741.

(63.) Records, xvi, 170.

(64.) Records, xvi, 176.

(65.) Thomas Galbraith once had title to the land upon which the town of Ligonier now stands. The chain of title is as follows: David Espy, of Bedford, Pa., attorney-in-fact of Arthur St. Clair, conveyed to Thomas Galbraith, of Fairfield township, Westmoreland county (Book A, p. 156)—13th of June, 1777, three plantations and tracts of land situate at Ligonier, in the county aforesaid, one of them including the town of Ligonier and containing 584 acres, and allowance.

Jasper Moylan, assignee of Francis and John West, who were the assignees of Arthur St. Clair, Esq., per John Brandon, Sheriff, sold to James Ramsey, of Franklin county, Pa., six hundred and sixty acres of land, more or less, known by the name of the Ligonier Tract; also about 10 acres, adjoining said tract, known as the Indian Field and Mill Creek, as the property of Thomas Galbraith, late of Fairfield township, in the county aforesaid, in the hands of Wm. Jamison and Buchanan, his administrators. Sold on the 22d of Sept., 1793. Book 4, p. 297, Recorder's Office of Westmoreland county.

From James Ramsey the title passed to his son, John Ramsey, who laid out the plan and founded the town of Ligonier.

We may remember here, as a place pertinent to recall it, that the only title that existed in those who had settled around the old fort was one of sufferance. Those who had property destroyed here by the Indians in Pontiac's War when the post was besieged and who wanted compensation therefor from the King, were reminded that they had no title whatever to the property, but were permitted to occupy the premises only by courtesy. St. Clair appears to have secured a warrant at the opening of the land office for this particular tract.

One of Thomas Galbraith's daughters is supposed to have been the wife of William Jamison, above mentioned, who had two children, Thomas Jamison and Ann Jamison, married to Robert McConnaughey, the father of Mr. J. C. McConnaughey, of Ligonier township, in whose possession the memorandum book referred to above was found. Mr. McConnaughey writes under date of Nov. 22, 1894: "In regard to the book. My grandfather Jamison used to keep store in Ligonier many years ago, when he died my father settled his estate, he had all his books, and among them was this memorandum book."

(66.) Records, xi, 329.

(67.) Second Arch., iii, 777, et. seq.

(68.) Records, xi, 373.

(69.) George Findley is said to have been the first white settler of Indiana county, in what then, of course, was Westmoreland. He migrated from the settlement made by John Pomroy and James Wilson in what is now Derry township, Westmoreland county. The date of his leaving and "tomahawking" a tract and making an improvement is given as 1764-5. He selected the tract occupied (now or lately) by his grandson, George Findley Matthews, in East Wheatfield township, Indiana county, where his daughter, Mrs. Elizabeth Matthews, born 28th of Jan., 1784 (lately), resided. When the Revolution began he had a clearing of about 10 acres, and a rude cabin for his bride, whom he had married in Maryland, not far from Hagerstown, in 1776. In 1784, he again returned to his improvement, and continued his residence there. He was repeatedly forced to seek shelter at Fort Ligonier, or Palmer's Fort. Biographical sketch in Hist. Ind. Co., 120.

East Wheatfield township lies on the Conemaugh adjoining Westmoreland county at the northern end of Ligonier Valley.

His home is spoken of, May 29th, 1769, in an application for a warrant, as the "Findley's cabbins." * * * * It is said that Findley's cabin was fitted for defense. * * * * His clearing or location was next to Whipey's—See before for an account of Wipey, the Delaware Indian murdered by the whites.

Robert Rodgers was a settler near George Findley's. The two came out together from Conococheague Valley. Findley then had an improvement of several years. Rodgers is said to have located about 1771 or 2. [Hist. Ind. Co., 422.]

There was also an Isaac Rodgers, a neighbor of Findley's.

(70.) Captain Samuel Shannon is frequently mentioned in the public records, and he had something more than a local reputation. He must have been very popular, as the name "Shannon" as a Christian name is so common throughout the valley as to be noticeable. He had a command under Col. Lochry in his expedition of 1781, and was taken by the Indians, and succeeded in command by Lieut. Isaac Anderson. (2d Arch., xiv, 685.) He, presumably, was exchanged or made his escape, as letters of administration on the estate of Samuel Shannon were granted April 3d, 1785, to Elizabeth Shannon and Mary Slaughter, by the Register of Westmoreland county. There was a Captain Robert Shannon, who is said to have been a brother of Samuel. * * * * Capt. Robert Knox, Col. William McDowell, James and Charles Clifford, and others named here, were long remembered on account of being conspicuous figures in the history of the fort. Families of the same stock and name still live in the valley.

(71.) Capt. Hinkson (otherwise Hinkston) is spoken of before. It is altogether probable that this is the same person who was connected with the murder of the friendly Delaware, Wipey. Some of the whites of the neighborhood condoned the murder in their suspicions and distrust of all red men. Hinkston, Hinckston or Hinkson, as the name is variously spelled, was from that neighborhood. To the conveyance of a location he had made on the Conemaugh—he spells his name Hinkson.

(72.) The fact of this boy's killing is corroborated in a letter to Jeff W. Taylor, Esq., of Greensburg, Pa., from William Reynolds, Esq., of Bolivar, Pa., Nov. 15th, 1894, and given for reference here. Mr. Reynolds is a grandson of George Findley, spoken of, and is now seventy-six years of age. His account is from direct report. He says that George Findley and his bound boy, fourteen or fifteen years of age, but large and strong, started back from Palmer's Fort, whither they had fled, in hopes of recovering a mare that had left them and which they supposed had returned home. They kept in the woods, not venturing into the clearings, but notwithstanding this they were fired upon by some Indians, the boy falling. Findley, shot through the arm and bleeding much, effected his escape, and returned to Fort Palmer, bringing back with him, however, a girl who had remained about the Rogers settlement. This girl subsequently became the mother of the Hills, of near Ninevah. "The next morning a squad of men went back and found the boy scalped, his brains knocked out, and stripped naked. They buried him."

Fort Palmer was about six miles from Ligonier, on the line of the flight of the settlers from the Conemaugh and Upper Ligonier Valley.

(73.) See Wallace's Fort. * * * * Also Arch., v, 741. * ** * Col. Charles Campbell was taken Sept. 25th, 1777. A copy of the proclamation referred to is found in Arch., v, 402. It is as follows:

"A Proclamation.

"By virtue of the power and authority to me given by his Excellency Sir Guy Carlton, Knight of the Bath, Governor of the Province of Quebec, General and Commander in chief, &c., &c., &c.

"I assure all such as are inclined to withdraw themselves from the Tyranny and oppression of the rebel committees and take refuge in this Settlement or any of the posts commanded by his Majest' s Officers shall be humanely treated, shall be lodged and victualled, and such as are off in arms and shall use them in defense of his majesty against rebels and Traitors till the Extinction of this rebellion, shall receive pay adequate to their former stations in the rebel service, and all common men who shall serve during that period, shall receive his majesty's bounty of two hundred Acres of Land. Given under my hand and seal, Henry Hamilton (L. S.), Lieut. Gov. & Superintendent."

"Eleven other persons killed and scalped at Palmer's Fort, near Ligonier, amongst which is Ensign Woods." Col. Lochry to President Wharton Nov. 4th, 1777. Archives, v, 741.

(74.) Col. Lochry, County Lieutenant, who had absolute control of the militia and arms of the county, lived on the Twelve Mile Run, in Unity township, between the turnpike and St. Vincent's Monastery. Lochry was a neighbor of Col. John Proctor. This was on the southern side of the Forbes Road. * * * * It will be remembered that Lochry recommended the erection of this fort.

(75.) Col. James Pollock was then a sub-lieutenant of the county. He was superceded in his office by George Reading, Esq., April 1st, 1778, Rec., xi, 455, where the reason is given. In the light of this journal the Council might have had some suggestion from Thomas Galbraith. Col. Pollock lived toward West Fairfield, eight or nine miles from Fort Ligonier. He held civil offices much later; and was a candidate, unsuccessfully, against William Findley, for Congress.

(76.) This was not Archibald Lochry. Stony Creek was a station on the Forbes Road, where it crossed that stream, now Stoystown, in Somerset county. Guards and relays were kept here. There was a kind of stockade erected here when the road was cut by Bouquet and a small garrison stayed there. It was deserted for a time in Pontiac's War, 1763.

(77.) Charles Clifford, brother to James Clifford, was taken prisoner on the 22d of April, 1779, from their place on Mill creek, about two miles from Ligonier. It does not appear that he was treated with unusual severity or with any cruelty. He was taken to Canada, turned over to the British, and remained there somewhat above two years, then he was exchanged and returned home.

(78.) George Reading, not long after this, was appointed a sub-Lieutenant of the county in place of James Pollock.

(79.) The manuscript is sufficiently distinct to make it certain that Captain Ourrie is not the same person as Lieut. Curry, a reading that casually might make it appear otherwise.

(80.) Col. John Pomroy, of the Fort Barr and Fort Wallace (Derry) settlement; a prominent man in Indian affairs during all these times. * * * * William Richardson was a settler of some standing several years prior to this time.

(81.) The manuscript here is illegible. The meaning probably is, that the one who was behind the others, on being called upon, hurried up to the rest of the party, but it being dusk the party did not return to the place whence the voice proceeded until the next morning, and found the (tracks of Indians.)

(82.) The expedition here referred to had been planned by Gen. Hand, the Commandant at Fort Pitt, against the Indians at Sandusky, but it failed for the lack of men and supplies, which he expected from the western frontier of the State. "One reason for the failure was a want of concert between Gen. Hand and the lieutenants of the border counties of Virginia and Pennsylvania." Wash.-Irv. Cor., 12.

(83.) Samuel Craig, Sr., who came from New Jersey, settled on the Loyalhanna in Derry township, near (now) New Alexandria, shortly after the opening of the land office. He and his sons were all actively engaged in frontier service. "The duties of Samuel Craig's appointments calling him to Fort Ligonier, he had to go there frequently; and on the last occasion he was taken on the road. A beautiful mare which he used for riding, was found on the Chestnut Ridge between his home and that post. The mare had eight bullets in, her; but all efforts of the family to ascertain the fate of Capt. Craig were unavailing." Mrs. Margaret Craig, MS.

(84.) The writer (Thomas Galbraith) was, as stated before, evidently a Commissioner for the distribution of salt and other supplies, and was in the service of the Continental Congress as well as of the State.

The following entry is found in the book from which this journal is taken:

1777, March 15th, provisions left at Ligonier in care of James McDowell, for use of the Continent:
     1625" Bacon.
     532" Pork, salted.
     300" Heads.
     400" Beef.

(85.) Jollys—The station at Stonycreek (Stoystown).

(86.) Arch., vi, 3.

(87.) Arch., vi, 68.

(88.) Arch., vi, 532.

(89.) Archives, vii, 345.

(90.) Archives, vii, 173.

(91.) Archives, viii, 180.

(92.) Arch, viii, 485.

(93.) Arch., viii, 282.

(94.) Arch., ix, 240.

(95.) Washington-Irvine Correspondence, 254.

(96.) Olden Time, Vol. i, p. 200.

It was customary to name the forts erected about this time after some person prominent in military or civil affairs, for instance, of Loudoun, Bedford, Ligonier, Pitt.

For services of Sir John Ligonier, see Knight's History of England, Chapter clix.

At what time the name Ligonier was first applied has not at present been definitely ascertained. Forbes mentions "the fort of Loyalhannon, October 22d, 1758," (Records, viii, 224), and as late as November 9th, 1758, he dates his letter to the Indian chiefs "From my camp at Loyal Hannon." In his Journal for December 4th, 1758, Post says he drew provision (at Pittsburgh) "for our journey to Fort Ligonier."

(97.) A Chronological Table of Events in the career of Gen. St. Clair. Born at Thurso, in the County of Caithness, Scotland, March 23, 1736; Ensign in the Sixtieth Regiment of Foot (the Royal Americans, he being in the second battalion commanded by Lawrence), May 13th, 1757; with Amherst at Louisburg, Canada, May 28th, 1758; Lieutenant, April 17th, 1759; capture of Quebec, Sept. 13th, 1759; married at Boston to Miss Phoebe Bayard, a half sister of Gov. James Bowdoin, of Massachusetts Bay, May 14th, 1760; resigned his commission, April 16th, 1762; on special service in a civil capacity as agent of the Penns in Western Pennsylvania, having charge of Fort Ligonier, 1767- 69; appointed Surveyor for the District of Cumberland by Gov. Penn, April 5th, 1770; appointed County Justice and Member of the Proprietary Council for Cumberland county, May 23d, 1770; appointed Justice of the court (by special commission), Prothonotary, Register and Recorder for Bedford county, March 11th-12, 1771; appointed to same offices for Westmoreland county, February 27th, 1773; actively engaged as Penn's chief representative in Westmoreland county throughout 1774; Resolutions at Hannastown, May 16th, 1775; Colonel under Council of Safety, 1775; Colonel in the Continental service, January 3d, 1776; before Quebec, May 11th, 1776, Brigadier General, August 9th, 1776, Major-General, February 19th, 1777; detailed as Adjutant-General, March, 1777; member of Council of Censors, 1783; Auctioneer of Philadelphia, February 24th, 1784; Member of Congress (elected), November 11th, 1785; took his seat, February 26th, 1786; President of Congress, February 2d. 1787; Governor of the Northwestern Territory, chosen by Congress, October 5th, 1787; candidate for Governor for Penna., 1790; Commander-in-Chief of the army, 1791; Battle of the Wabash, November 4th, 1791; resigns his Generalship, 1792; removed from Governorship of Northwestern Territory by Jefferson. November 22d, 1802; died, August 31st. 1818, and buried in the Presbyterian graveyard, at present called the St. Clair cemetery, at Greensburg, Westmoreland county, Pa.


Plan of Fort Ligonier with Part of the Retranchment. Map 2.

The location of old Fort Ligonier, with respect to the landmarks as they at present exist, is indicated with accuracy on the plan prepared with that object, which plan is hereto attached. It will be seen that most of the ground which was covered by the Fort and the garrison land adjacent is now the property of R. M. Graham, Esq, a gentleman who is a native of the valley, and who has taken much interest in all matters relating to the Fort.

Mr. Graham has made a statement in which he has authorized the writer to say that he will grant in perpetuity a plot of ground within these boundary lines, or contiguous thereto, for the purpose of erecting thereon a suitable memorial of a substantial character, commemorative of old Fort Ligonier. The people of Ligonier Valley may be congratulated on the circumstance that the ownership of such a historic and interesting spot is in a gentleman of such liberal and enlarged views.

The writer is here constrained to make mention of the commendable efforts of I. M. Graham, Esq, editor and publisher of the Ligonier Echo newspaper, in perpetuating the memorials of the Fort and Valley and in encouraging an active interest in their early history. He has thus been instrumental in bringing out from obscurity and making public much information, interesting, and, from a local point of view, valuable; and he has in every possible way assisted the writer in the duties incident to this report.


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