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Mary C. Darlington, Editor.


Part 1, Pages 5-83.

Preface, Journal of Captain Celeron, Campaign of 1758.—Letters of Generals Grant, Forbes and Bouquet

(See Illustration Fort Pittsburgh and Environs, 1759.)

[Pages 5- 82, numbers appear in brackets in bold print]
[Transcription is verbatim]
[Footnotes appear in smaller font]



The increase of interest in the frontier history of Pennsylvania, caused by the establishment of the society called the "Daughters of the Revolution," has induced me to publish these historical documents.

The principal occupants of this portion of Pennsylvania, when first explored, were the Six Nations: the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas and the Tuscarawas.

1749, Captain Celeron, a French officer, came to the Ohio and took possession of the country in the name of his king, Louis XV, of France, and deposited leaden plates at different places on the rivers Allegheny and Ohio. This is referred to in the "Olden Time," and parts of the journal have been published by others with notes. The journal of Celeron, as now published, was copied in Paris from the original in the Public Library, procured by the kindness of Monsieur Margry. The few notes needed were written by William M. Darlington.

1754, Governor Dinwiddie claimed the Forks of the Ohio for Virginia.

Captain Trent's company was sent here, under command of Ensign Ward, and commenced the erection of fort.

April 17th, Monsieur Contrecœur descended the Allegheny River with his forces and demanded its surrender. Resistance was impossible and the surrender was made to Contrecœur, who completed the fort, commenced by Ward, [6] and called it Fort Duquesne, in honor of the Governor of Canada. The history of this settlement is given in the "Olden Time," by Pittsburgh s historian, Neville B. Craig.

1758, General Forbes advanced towards Fort Duquesne and it was abandoned by the French. Fort Pitt was then built by General Stanwix and was considered a formidable fortification. Colonel Bouquet built the redoubt, now standing, in 1764. It was during the occupation of this fort by the British that Captain Ecuyer was in command. No notes are needed with his journal and letters—they are complete and were copied for Mr. Darlington from the originals in the British Museum.

The sketch of the life of General James O'Hara was compiled from documents collected by Mr. Darlington and letters now in the possession of Mrs. McKnight and Miss Matilda Denny. Biographies or biographical notices and journals have been published of all the historical persons here mentioned. The letters are copies of the original letters and sufficiently annotate these histories.

The history of the organization of Allegheny County was written by Mr. Darlington by request of county officials. To those interested in the early history of the West this historical collection is offered, in memory of William M. Darlington, by his wife,


* * * * * *

[9] CANADA—1749.



I left de la Chine on the 15th of June with a detachment formed of a captain, eight subaltern officers, six cadets, an armorer, twenty men of the troops, one hundred and eighty Canadians and nearly thirty savages—equal number of Iroquois and Abenakes. I slept at Point Clair. On the 16th I departed at 10 o'clock A.M., and slept at Soulange with all my detachment. Several canoes were injured in the rapids. On the 17th I departed from Soulange, and ascended to the Cedars, on the side of the Lake. In this place Mr. Joncaire was ship-wrecked, his canoe broken, one man drowned, and the greater portion of the effects lost.

18th, I remained at the entrance of the Lake St. Francis, to dry the few effects which were collected at the foot of the rapids.

19th, I passed Lake St. Francois, ascended the rapids called the Thousand Rocks, and anchored without any accident.

20th, I ascended the long fall (Sault).

21st, I passed several rapids; I did not make a list of them; they are known by every one.

22d, 23d, and 24th, I continued my route without anything [10] remarkable happening, excepting that several canoes were staved in by the carelessness of those who conducted them. I had them mended, and continued my way.

25th, I passed a new French establishment, founded by the Abbé Piquet, where I found nearly forty acres of cleared land; his stone fort, eight feet in height, was not yet finished. The Abbé Piquet was lodged under bark, in the manner of the savages, and was preparing wood and other material for his habitation. He had two savage guides whom he desired me to take with me; I accepted them to please him; this was all that composed his mission.

26th, I left Mr. Piquet and slept at Little Detroit.

27th, I departed early to go to Fort Frontenac [outlet on Lake Ontario], where I arrived at 5 o'clock in the evening.

28th and 29th, I sojourned at Fort Frontenac, to mend my canoes, which had been much damaged in the rapids, and to rest my men.

30th, I departed from Fort Frontenac to go to Niagara; on the fifth day I met Mr. Nardiere, who received the Miamis. He informed me that the nations of Detroit, having known of my march, were ready at the first invitation to join me. I did not rely much on the disposition of these savages, however, as I had learned on my route that they had more people on the Belle Rivière than I had been informed of at Mr. Galissonière's. I profited at all hazard by the advice of Mr. Nardiere, and forced my march to rejoin Mr. Labrevois, who was going to command at Detroit.

I arrived at Niagara on the 6th of July, where I found him; we conferred together, and I wrote to the Chevalier de Longnaiul that which I had learned from Mr. de la Nardiere, and desired him, that if these nations of Detroit were in the design to come and join me, and not delay his departure, I would [11] give the rendezvous at Strotve [cannot be identified] on the 9th or 10th of August; that if they had changed their mind I would be obliged to him to send me couriers to inform me of their intentions, so that I may know what will happen to me. On the 7th of July, I sent Mr. de Contrecœur, captain and second in command of the detachment, with the subaltern officers and all my canoes, to make the portage. I remained at the fort, to wait for my savages who had taken on Lake Ontario another route than I had; having rejoined me I went to the portage which Mr. de Contrecœur had made. On the 14th of the same month we entered Lake Erie; a high wind from the sea made me camp some distance from the little rapid; there I formed three companies to mount guard, which were of forty men, commanded by an officer.

15th, I departed early in the morning, in the hope of making a fine journey, and went to the portage of Chatakouin [Barcelona or Portland], which I could not make, there having risen a high wind—the same as on the evening. I was forced to land. The lake is extremely low. There is no shelter. If one does not foresee the wind, they run the risk of perishing in disembarking. For more than twenty acres in extent we found very large stones on which one is in danger of perishing. I fell on one, and without prompt help I would have been drowned, with all my men. I landed to mend my canoe, which had been broken in several places.

16th, I arrived at noon at the portage of Chatakouin. As soon as my canoes were loaded, I detached Mr. de Villiers and Le Borgne, with fifty men, to go clear the roads the rest of the day. I observed the situation of the place, in case one should wish in the future to make there an establishment. I did not find anything advantageous there, either for the navigation of the lake or in the situation of the place. The lake [12] is so shallow to the south that vessels cannot approach the portage nearer than one mile. There is no island or harbor where one could anchor and get into shelter; they must anchor and have boats to unload from—high winds are so frequent; and I think they are dangerous; furthermore, there is no village of the savages established in this place, the nearest are those of Ganaonagon and de la Paille Coupée [Broken straw].

In the evening Mr. Villiers and La Borgne came to sleep in the camp; they had cleared nearly three-quarters of a league of road; they placed guards, and this order will continue all the campaign, as much for the safety of my detachment as to discipline the Canadians, of which they have need.

17th, At break of day we commenced our portage, which was conducted very vigorously. Nearly all the canoes, provisions, and munitions of war and merchandise, destined for presents to the nations of la Belle Rivière, were carried the three quarter-leagues which had been cleared the evening before. This road is very difficult, on account of the number of hillsides which are encountered, also, all my men were very tired.

18th, I continued my portage; but bad weather prevented continuing it as long as on the preceding day. I consoled myself that this delay was only caused by the rain: it was all that I wished, in order to have water in the river to pass with the load that I had in my canoe.

19th, The rain being heavy, I put myself en route and made this day a half league.

20th, 21st, We continued our route with extreme diligence.

22d, We have achieved the portage, which could be counted as four leagues, and we arrived on the border of Lake Chatakium [Chautauqua]. At this place I had my canoes repaired and rested my men.

[13] 23d, At noon I departed and encamped one league from the entrance of the lake, which might be nine leagues. In the evening our savages, who had been fishing in the lake, told me that they had seen people, who had hidden in the woods as soon as they perceived them.

24th, I went out of the lake early in the morning and drew into the river Chatakium. The water being found low, I had transported the greater part of the baggage by land. The portage was indicated to me by the traces of the savages. We had nearly three-quarters of a league to transport our canoes, which could not pass with the load; we have made at least this day, by water, one half league.

25th, Before commencing our march, by the advice of the savages of my detachment, I assembled a council, composed of the officers and the natives which I had with me, to deliberate together on the measures which we should take on the occasion of the vestiges, which we had found the preceding evening, of several cabins, abandoned with such precipitation that they had left a part of their utensils, their canoes, and even their provisions, to gain the woods. This manœuvre made us judge of the fear of the savages, and that they had only retired through fear, and, consequently, they would carry the alarm to all the villages—put them to flight or make them take the part of assembling, forming a considerable corps and surrounding us with ambushes. The country was very advantageous for them, and for us very difficult of access, owing to the little water in the river. I communicated the intentions of the Marquis de la Galissonière to the officers; they saw that it was of very great importance, for the execution of the orders with which I was charged, to reassure the natives of these countries, and the unanimous opinion was that they should be desired to keep themselves tranquil in their tents, and assure them that I have only come to treat with them of good things and [14] explain to them the opinions of their father, Onontio. I drew up in writing their opinions, which they all signed. Here is the copy:

"Council held by Mr. de Celeron with the officers of his detachment and the chiefs, July 25th, 1749.

"Having discovered yesterday, July 24th, at the base of the Lake Chatakium some signs, by which it appeared to us that the savages who were hunting in this place had been frightened by the number of canoes and people which composed our detachment, having abandoned their canoes, provisions and other utensils, useful to them, and that they had carried the alarm to the village de la Paille Coupée, and as it is important in consequence of the orders of the Marquis de la Galissonière to speak to these nations, to make known to them his intentions, and not wishing to do anything without taking the advice of the officers and of the chiefs we have with us, we have assembled them to make known to them the orders with which we are charged, in order to take the most convincible measures to dissipate the terror which our march has spread. The advice of all having been collected, the unanimous opinion has been that to reassure these nations and have the opportunity to speak to them, there should be a canoe sent to the village de la Paille Coupée in which would embark Mr. Joupere, lieutenant, with some Abenakes and three Iroquois, to carry to them three strings of wampum, and invite them to return, that their father had only come to treat with them on pleasant business.

"Executed at our camp at the entrance of the River Chanongon, July 25th."

All the officers signed.

As soon as the council finished I sent away Mr. de Jonquiere; that done, I set out on my route and made nearly a league with much toil. At many places I was obliged to put forty men on each canoe to make them pass.

[15] 26th, 27th and 28th, I continued my route not without many obstacles, and not withstanding all the precautions which I took to manage my boats, they were often in a bad state, owing to the low water.

29th, I entered at noon into the Belle Rivière [Now Allegheny] (Ohio). I buried a lead plate, on which is engraved the possession taken, in the name of the king, of this river and of all those which fall into it. I also attached to a tree the arms of the king, engraved on a sheet of white iron, and over all I drew up a Procès Verbal, which the officers and myself signed.

Copy of the Procès Verbal, of the position of the lead plate and the arms of the king, placed at the entrance of la Belle Rivière (Ohio) with the inscription:

"The year 1749, Celeron, Chevalier of the Order Royal and Military of St. Louis, Captain Commanding a Detachment sent by the orders of Marquis de Gallissonnière, Commander General of Canada on the Belle Rivière, otherwise called the Ohio, accompanied by the principal officers of our detachments, have buried, at the foot of a red oak on the south bank of the river Ohio (Oyo) and of the Chanangon and at 40° 51' 23" a lead plate with inscription:

"In the year 1749 of the reign of Louis XV, King of France, I, Celeron, Commander of the Detachment sent by the Marquis de la Gallissonnière, Commanding General of New France, to re-establish tranquillity in some villages of these cantons, we have buried this plate, at the confluence of the Ohio [Allegheny] and Kanaragon [Conewago, now Warren] July 29th, as a monument of the renewal of possession which we have taken of the said river Ohio, and of all those that therein empty; and of all the land on both sides to the source of said river, as they were enjoyed, or [16] should have been enjoyed by the preceding kings of France, and that they are maintained by the arms and by treaties, and especially by those of Reswick, d'Utrecht and of Aix la Chapelle; we have also affixed in the same place to a tree the arms of the king, in testimony of which we have drawn up and signed the present Procès Verbal.

"Done at the entrance of Belle Rivière, July 29th, 1749. All the officers have signed."

This operation finished, as I was not far from the village of Kanaongan, and as the savages were informed by Mr. de Joncaire of my arrival, they were anxious to find me. As soon as they had discovered my canoes they sent a deputation to invite me to visit their villages and there receive the compliments of their chief. I treated them well—the envoys. I gave a cup of brandy [In the French copy it is "coup de lait."], for them to drink to their father Onontio, and gave them tobacco. They returned to their villages. I went there a short time after. I passed before the village; they saluted me with several discharges of musketry; I returned them, and formed my camp at the other side of the river. Mr. de Joncaire collected the chiefs in one tent, I received their compliments and felicitations, and as this village has from twelve to thirteen cabins, I invited them to go to la Paille Coupée to hear what I had to say to them on the part of their father Onontio; the women brought me a present of Indian corn and pumpkins. I responded suitably with other little presents. Mr. Joncaire assured me that it was time he should have come to dissipate the terror which had seized on the spirits of the savages, that several had retired to the woods and that the others had made their packs to do the same. I sent M. de Joncaire to la Paille Coupée.

On the 30th I went to la Paille Coupée, where I had sent Mr. de Joncaire the previous evening. The savages of this [17] place intended to hide themselves in the woods on the report which was made to them by those we had found on the Lake Chatakium; they had told them that we were a large company and that without doubt it was to destroy them. Mr. de Joncaire had much trouble to remove this impression, although they were Iroquois of the five villages that composed these two villages, and he is an adopted child of the nation, and they have great confidence in him. As soon as I was encamped the chiefs assembled and came to my tent; here are their first words:

Speech of the Sonontonans, established at the Village de la Paille Coupée, otherwise called Kachuiodagon and Kanaonagon, to Mr. de Celeron, by two strings of Wampum, July 30, 1749:

"My Father, we wish to testify the joy which we feel at seeing you arrive in our villages in good health. It is a long time since we had the pleasure of seeing our Father in this land, and the march, of which we have heard for a month, has caused us much inquietude and fear, not only in our villages but in all those of la Belle Rivière (Ohio). It is perceived, my Father, that to reassure the children, frightened and without spirit, that you have sent our son, Joncaire, to tell us to be tranquil and wait in our villages your arrival; to hear the words of our Father, Onontio, which you bring us; the strings of wampum have entirely removed from our spirits all the fears which had possession of us. Our packs were made up for flight, and we were like drunken people, all in despair, and we have remained as thou wished us, to hear that which thou hast to say to us. We are charmed that our Father, Onontio, chose thee to make known to us his intentions. It is not only to-day that we have known thee; thou hast governed us at Niagara, and thou knowest that we have only done thy will."

[18] Response of Mr. Celeron, in the following words, with two strings of Wampum, July 30, 1749:

"I am charmed, my children, that the arrival of Mr. Joncaire in your village has raised your spirits and dissipated the fear that my presence in this country caused you. Without doubt it is caused by the evil intrigues of people who work always evil. That which I find surprising is that those which have the right spirit and that have always listened to the words of their Father, Onontio, should have felt this fear.

"By these two strings of wampum I open your ears, so that you will hear well that which I tell you on the part of your Father, Onontio; and I also open your eyes to make you see clearly the advantages which your Father is going to procure for you, if, like people of sense, you will profit by it. It is his word that I bring to you here and which I am going to carry to all the villages of la Belle Rivière (Ohio.)"

Speech of the Marquis de la Gallissonnière to the first village of the Iroquois Sonontonans, established at the entrance of la Belle Rivière; brought by Mr. de Celeron. With one belt:

"My children, since I have been at war with the English, I have learned that that nation has deceived you; and not content with breaking your heart, they have profited by my absence from this country to invade the land which does not belong to them and which is mine. This is what determined me to send to you Mr. Celeron, to inform you of my intentions, which are, that I will not suffer the English on my land; and I invite you, if you are my true children, to not receive them any more in your villages. I forbid, then, by this belt, the commerce which they have established lately in this part of the land, and announce to you that I will no longer suffer it. If you attack them you will make them retire and send them home; by that means you will be always peaceable in [19] your village. I will give you all the aid you should expect from a good father. If you come to see me, next spring, you will have reason to be satisfied with the reception which I will give you. I will furnish you with traders in abundance, if you wish for them. I will even place here officers, if that will please you, to govern you and give you the good spirit, so that you will only work in good affairs. The English are more in the wrong in coming to this land, as the Five Nations have told them to fly from there to the mountains. Give serious attention, my children, to the words which I send you; listen well, follow it, it is the way to see always in your villages a haven beautiful and serene. I expect from you a reply worthy of my true children. You see the marks to be respected which I have attached along la Belle Rivière, which will prove to the English that this land belongs to me and that they cannot come here without exposing themselves to be chased away. I wish for this time to treat them with kindness and warn them; if they are wise they will profit by my advice."

With two strings of Wampum:

"I am surprised, my children, to see erected in your village a cabin destined to receive English traders. If you consider yourselves my children you will not continue this outrage; further than that, you will forbid it and will never receive the English."

Response of the Iroquois of the Village of Ganaouskon and Chinadiagon, July 3, 1749. With two strings of Wampum:

"My Father, we thank you for opening our ears and our eyes to hear your speech and to see clearly that you speak to us like a good father."

[20] With one belt:

"My Father, we are very glad to speak today of affairs with you. Do not be surprised at our answers. We are people without any knowledge of affairs, but speak to you from the bottom of the heart.

"My Father, you are surprised that the English have come to trade on our land; the elders have forbidden them the entrance; it is true you engaged us to descend to Montreal next year to speak of affairs with Onontio, and we acknowledge these favors; we assure you we are going to work for that during the winter, and that we will go during the spring.

"My Father, you have told us that you perceive that the English have come to invade our land, and that you are going to summon them to retire; that for this effect you will barricade the road. We thank you for your enterprise, and we promise not to suffer them here. We are not a party capable of deciding entirely of the general sentiments of the Five Nations who inhabit this river; we wait for the decision of the chiefs of our villages, as well as from the villages lower down. As for us, my Father, we assure you we will not receive the English in our villages."

With two strings of Wampum:

"My Father, you have told us that little birds have informed you that a house is building here for the English, and that if we allow it, soon they will form an establishment considerable enough to drive us away, because they will make themselves masters of our land. You have asked us not to continue this work; this we promise, and this house, which is nearly finished, will only serve to amuse the youth. We also promise not to touch the arms of the king which you have placed on this river, which prove to the English that they have no right in this part of the land."

[21] With two strings of Wampum to the Savages of the Detachment:

"My brothers, we are pleased to see you accompany your Father in his route; you have told us that you have no other sentiments than those of Onontio. We invite you to follow the counsels, which he knows well how to give, and we are resolved to only do his will. We thank you for that which you have come to tell us; we will give attention to it."

The Council ended, I made presents to these savages, which gave them great pleasure, and in acknowledgment they assured me anew that they will never see again the English at their homes, and that they will descend next spring to see their Father Onontio.

July 31st, I sojourned at this village, having been stopped by the abundance of rain, which pleased us much. The water rose three feet during the night.

August.—The first of August I departed from la Paille Coupée. After having marched nearly four leagues, I found a village of Loups and Reynards (wolves and foxes) of six cabins. I disembarked, and only found one man, who told me that the rest had taken flight. I told these savages that these people were wrong to be afraid, that I had not come to injure them, but, furthermore, I had come to treat with them on good affairs and give courage to the children of the governor who had lost it. I added that I did not doubt but that as soon as I left they would return home; that I invited them to go to the village lower down, which was but four or five leagues distant, and that I would speak to them. I passed the same day to a little Loup village of six cabins, to whom I told, as to the others, to go to the most considerable village, where I would speak to them on the part of their Father Onontio. They arrived there a little while after me.

On the second, I spoke to these savages in the name of the General. Here are the words and their reply:

[22] With one belt:

"My children, the Loups, the reason which has determined your Father Onontio to send me to this part of the land has been the knowledge that he has had that the English propose to form here a very considerable establishment, to invade, some day, these lands, and increase in such a manner, if they are allowed to do so, that they will make themselves masters and you will be victims, as you have been in the past. Listen with attention to the words which I bring you from him:

" The experience which you have had, my children, of the evil proceedings of the English, should be present with you; remember that you possessed at one time, at Philadelphia, magnificent lands on which you found an abundance with which to subsist your families; they approached you under pretext to give you necessaries, and, little by little, without you perceiving it, they have established forts and then towns, and when they became powerful enough they drove you away, and have forced you to establish yourselves on these lands on which to subsist your women, and will do to you as they did in Philadelphia. They could do it today on the Belle Rivière by the establishments which they wish to form there. It is the knowledge which I have obtained sooner than you which has determined me to send to you Mr. de Celeron, to make you open your eyes on the misfortunes which menace you and make you see that it is only their own interest which moves the English. I will send a summons for them to retire this time, not wishing them to occupy the land which belongs to me; if they have sense they will not expose themselves to being forced. The English have less right to come to this land, because the kings of France and England have agreed in all the treaties of peace, and particularly in the last, which terminated the war, that the English should never set foot on this land. You know, also, my children, that the Five Nations [23] have absolutely forbidden them not only to make any establishment on the Belle Rivière, but to come here to trade; that they go to the other side of the mountains, on the lands of yours, which they have occupied. I do not oppose that, but on mine I will not allow them. As for you, my children, you will lose nothing there, besides that I will give you all the aid which you should expect from a good father. Delegate next spring some one of your nation, with your uncles, to come to see me, and you will see the reception which I will give you—how much I love you, and that I seek only to do you good and save you from the yoke which the English wish again to impose on you. I will give you traders, who will furnish you all necessaries and will put you into a state not to regret those which I send away from my lands; of those which you possess you will always be masters. I will even give you officers to maintain you there peaceably and tranquilly, and let no one inquiet you, seeking like a good father whatever would be of advantage to you."

Reply of the Loups, the 2d of August, by one belt:

"My Father, we pray you to have pity on us; we are young men, who cannot reply as the old men could to what you have said to us. We have opened our eyes and taken spirit; we see that you only work with good affairs; we promise to have no other sentiments than those of our uncles of the Five Nations, with whom you seem content.

"Examine, my Father, the situation in which we are. If thou makest the English retire, who give us necessaries, and especially the smith who mends our guns and our hatchets, we would be without help and exposed to die of hunger—of misery in the Belle Rivière. Have pity on us, my Father; thou canst not at present give us our necessaries; leave us at least for this winter, or at least until we go hunting, the [24] smith and someone who can help us; we promise thee that in spring the English shall retire."

I said, without promising anything, that I would make the arrangement which would be for their best interest; and accord with the intentions of their father, Onontio. I confess that this representation embarrassed me very much. I made them a little present and engaged them to keep the promise which they had given me.

On the third I commenced the march; on the road I found a village of ten cabins abandoned, the savages, having had news of my arrival, had gained the woods. I continued my route to the village of the River aux Bœufs, (Venango. Origin of name, Zynango (tobacco.)) which is only of nine or ten cabins; as soon as they saw me they saluted; I returned it and disembarked. I had been told that there was in this place a smith and an English merchant. I wished to speak to them, but the English, like the savages, had gained the woods; there only remained five or six Iroquois, who presented themselves with arms in their hands. I scolded them for the manner of showing themselves, and made them lower their arms. They made many excuses, and said that they had only come with their guns because they had them— to salute me. I spoke to them nearly as I had spoken to the Loups and re-embarked immediately. This evening I buried a lead plate and the arms of the king by a tree, and drew up the Procès Verbal following:

Procès Verbal.

1749.—This year I, Celeron, Chevalier of the Order Royal and Military of St. Louis, Captain-Commander of the Detachment sent by order of the Marquis de la Galissonière, Commander-General of Canada, on the Belle Rivière (otherwise [25] called the Ohio), accompanied by the principal officers of our detachment, having buried on the south bank of the Ohio, four leagues below the River aux Bœufs, opposite a bald mountain and near a large stone, on which are seen several figures, rather roughly engraved, a lead plate and attached in the same place to a tree the arms of the king. In faith of which we have signed the present Procès Verbal.

"Made at our Camp, August 3d, 1749. All the officers have signed."

The inscription is the same as the preceding which I have placed at the entrance of la Belle Rivière. On the 4th, in the morning, after having conferred with the officers and chief savages of my detachment, on the precautions which we should take to reassure the nations of the Belle Rivière and engage them not to fly so that we can speak to them on the part of the General, it was concluded that Mr. de Joncaire, with the chiefs, should go to the village Attickè (Attiguè, Kiskeminitas River.) to announce my arrival and engage the nations of this place to wait for me without fear; for I only come to speak of good things. As soon as he had departed I put myself en route. We finished nearly fifteen leagues this day.

On the 5th I departed at an early hour. After having made from three to four leagues, I found a river, of which the mouth is very beautiful; and one league below I found another. They are both south of la Belle Rivière.

On the heights there are villages of Loups and Iroquois of the Five Nations. I encamped early to give time to Mr. de Joncaire to arrive at the village Attickè.

On the 6th I departed at 7 o'clock; after having made nearly five leagues I arrived at the village Attickè, where I found Mr. de Joncaire with our savages; those of this place had taken flight. This village is of twenty-two cabins. Mr. [26] de Joncaire told me that a chief with two young men, who had stopped on their discovery, seeing few accompanying him, came to him and demanded the motive of his voyage, to which he replied that I had only come to speak to the natives of la Belle Rivière and give spirit to the children of the Governor who lived there. He engaged this chief to take charge of some strings of wampum which I had given to him to take to the lower villages, and to tell them to keep themselves tranquil on their mats, that I only came to treat of affairs which will be of advantage to them.

I re-embarked and I passed the same day the ancient village of the Chaouanous, which has been abandoned since the departure of Chartier and his band, who were removed from this place by the orders of the Marquis de Beauharnais, and conducted to the river Vermillon, in the Wabash, in 1745.

I encountered in this place six Englishmen, with fifty horses and nearly one hundred and fifty packs of peltry, with which they were returning to Philadelphia. I summoned them by writing to return to their country, that the land where they had come to trade belongs to my king and not to the king of England, that if they returned again they would be pillaged, that I would this time treat them with humanity, if they would profit by the advice which I gave them; they assured me, either from fear or something else, that they would not return; they are convinced that they have no right to trade.

This I well explained to them in the summons. I wrote to the government of Philadelphia in these terms:

"SIR:—Having been sent with a detachment to this neighborhood by the orders of the Marquis de la Gallissonnière, Commanding General in New France, to collect together some savage nations who had quarreled on the occasion of the war [27] which has just ended, I have been much surprised to find merchants of your government in this country, to which the English government never had any pretentions. I have treated them with all the gentleness possible, although I was right to regard them as interlopers and people without hope of future possession; their enterprises were contrary to the preliminaries of peace which have been signed for more than fifteen months. I hope, sir, that you will in the future forbid this commerce, which is against the treaties, and warn your merchants that they will themselves risk a great deal if they return to these countries, and that they can only blame themselves for the misfortunes which might happen to them. I know that our Commandant General will be very sorry if any violence happens, but they have strict orders not to allow strange merchants in his government.
                                                                           "I am, etc."

That executed, I re-embarked and continued my route. On the 7th I passed a village of Loups, where there were only three men; they had placed a white flag on their cabins; the rest of their people had gone to Chinique, not having dared to remain at home. I invited these three men to come with me to Chinique to hear what I had to say to them. I re-embarked and visited the village, which is called the "Written Rock." The Iroquois inhabit this place, and it is an old woman (Named Queen Alliquippa.) of this nation who governs it. She regards herself as sovereign; she is entirely devoted to the English.

All the savages having retired, there only remained in this place six English traders, who came before me trembling. I disembarked, and as I wished to speak to them I was much embarrassed, not having an interpreter of their language and they pretending not to understand any other. After awhile [28] they softened, and one of them spoke Chawenois. (Shawnese.) I made them the same summons as to the others, and I wrote to their governor. They told me they were going to retire; that they knew well they had no right to trade, but not having found any obstacle until now, they had tried to make a living, so much the more as the savages had attracted them; but that they would not return again. This place (Site of Pittsburgh.) is one of the most beautiful that until the present I have seen on the Belle Rivière. I left this camp, and slept nearly three leagues below. As soon as I had disembarked our savages told me that on passing they had seen writing on a rock. As it was late, I could not send there until the next day. I appointed R. T. Bonnecamp and Mr. de Joncaire to go there, with the idea that these writings could give me some light. They were there early in the morning and reported that it was only some names written with charcoal. As I was only two leagues from Chinique I dispersed as much as possible the men of my detachment to give them a greater appearance, and arranged everything so as to arrive in good order at this village, which I knew to be one of the most considerable on the Belle Rivière.

On the 8th, as I prepared to raise my camp, I saw approaching a canoe with two men; I judged they were envoys from the village; I waited for them. They were some who came expressly to find out by my countenance what were my designs. I received them with kindness, and made them drink a cup of milk to their father Onontio. This is always, among savage nations, the greatest mark of friendship which one can show. After talking some time, they asked me to return to their village and to give them some hours to prepare to receive me. Soon after their departure [29] I embarked, after having viewed the arms of the men and distributed ammunition in case of need, and ordered that from the boat there should be but four guns charged with powder to respond to the salute, and eight with balls, having to take good precautions with nations frightened and riotous. As soon as I was in sight of the village I observed three French flags and one English. As soon as I was observed, salutes of musketry were sent from the village, and as the current is extremely strong at this place, and the river low, there came an Iroquois to me to indicate the passage. I was stopped instantly by the rapidity of the current. When disembarking they drew on us a discharge of balls. This salute is made by all the nations of the South; often accidents happen from it. This fashion did not surprise me or the officers of the detachment, however, as I was suspicious and did not believe their intentions good. I told them, by Mr. de Joncaire, to cease firing in that manner or I should fire on them. I told them at the same time to lower the English flag or I should pull it down myself. This was done instantly; a woman cut the staff, and the flag has not since appeared. I disembarked, and as the shore is extremely narrow and very disadvantageous in case the savages had evil designs, being at the base of a cliff which was more than thirty feet high, I immediately lifted my canoes and the baggage on the bank so as to place myself advantageously. I established my camp near the village, which I made to appear as extensive as possible, placed a corps de garde to the right and to the left, ordered the sentries at short distances the one from the other, and all were on the watch all night. The officers who were not on guard had orders to make the rounds all night. These precautions prevented the savages from doing what they had projected. This Mr. de Joncaire discovered a short time afterward by means of some women of his acquaintance.

[30] This village is of fifty cabins, composed of Iroquois, Shawnees and of Loups, and of a party of men of the villages which I had passed, having come here for refuge to render it stronger. At 5 o'clock in the evening the chiefs, accompanied by thirty or forty warriors, came to salute me—a compliment on my arrival at their home.

Here is their first speech, August 8, 1749:

With two strings of Wampum:

"My Father, with these two strings of wampum we come to testify the joy which we feel, to see you arrive in our village in good health; we thank the Master of Life for having preserved thee on a journey so long and so toilsome as that which thou hast performed. It is a long time since we had the satisfaction to see some French persons in our village. We see thee here with pleasure, my Father. Thou must have remarked, by the flags that thou hast seen in our village, that our heart is entirely French. The young men, without knowing the consequence, placed some which have displeased. As soon as we saw them, thou hast seen them fall. They were only placed for show, and to divert the young men, without fear that the thing could displease thee. We invite thee also, my Father, by these strings of wampum, to open thy heart to us, and make known to us whatever can make thee angry. We will do what thou comest to speak of, on the part of our Father Onontio; we are ready to hear his words, and we pray thee to wait until the chiefs of the village, whom we expect, shall arrive."

Response of Mr. de Celeron, with two strings of Wampum:

"I am obliged to you, my children, for the pleasure you appear to have at seeing me in your village. I have only come, as you think, to speak to you, on the part of your Father [31] Onontio, of good things. This is what I will explain to you tomorrow, when you are all together.

"You are right in saying that the English flag, which I saw on your village, displeased me. This mixture of French and English flags is not seemly for the children of the government, and seems to show that their heart is divided. Let them be lowered in such a way that they cannot again be raised. The young men placed them without judgment. The old men have taken them away on reflection; they have done well. By these two strings of wampum, I open, in my turn, your eyes, and your ears to hear well that which I have to say to you tomorrow, on the part of your Father Onontio."

They retired to their homes; and, in order to hold themselves ready for all events, they passed the night dancing, always having some of their people for watchmen.

On the 9th, before day, Mr. de Joncaire—whom I had advised, as also his brother, to examine during the night the manœuvres of these savages—came to tell me that he had news that eighty warriors were about to arrive, and that the resolution was taken in the village to attack us. On this news, which I communicated to the officers, I again gave orders that all should be ready, in case they should come, to fight. I held all my men in good order. I placed the officers in such a manner that they would encourage them to do their duty, and waited nearly two hours for what their resolution would determine. Seeing that no one advanced, I sent to them Mr. de Joncaire, to tell them that I knew the side which they had taken; that I waited for them with impatience, and, if they did not hasten to put into execution that which they had projected, I would go to attack them. A little while after Mr. de Joncaire's return, the savages defiled before my camp, [32] and made the ordinary salute. There may have been fifty men, according to what several officers told me they had counted while defiling, many warriors of the village having been there before those who arrived in the night. All these manœuvres convinced me of the evil intentions of these nations; but as I knew that the intention of Mr. de la Gallissonnière was to collect these savages by gentleness, and that, furthermore, I was engaged in a country where it would be very difficult for me to retreat—it being impossible to ascend the Belle Rivière (Ohio), owing as much to its swift current as to the want of provision and the bad state of my canoes— and, furthermore, if an action should take place, all the nations would be interested in it—I took the side of dissimulation, and determined to speak firmly to these savages and impose on them by the good appearance which I made for nearly two hours after the arrival of these warriors. The men of note, with those of the village, came to my tent with calumets of peace, made me their compliments, and presented them to me to smoke. Before accepting, I reproached them for their manner of acting, in terms which were perfectly explained to them by Mr. de Joncaire. Here is the discourse which I made to them:

Speech of Mr. de Celeron to the Savages of Chenengué, with
four strings of Wampum, August 9, 1749:

"I am surprised, my children, that after having taken the trouble to send to you Mr. de Joncaire to the Paille Coupée and Attiqué to announce to you my arrival in this country, and inform you that I carry to you the words of your Father Onontio, to see you frightened, amazed and making manœuvres which are never known to the children of the Governor. I wish to say, by these strings of wampum, that I have only come to work at pleasant affairs; this has been delayed. You [33] should have believed me, and you know enough of the French to know that they are true and that they never speak only from the lips. If I had had the designs which you have fancied, and which evil spirits have told you, I would have hidden from you—that was easy for me. I need not have arrived so quietly as I did at your village. I know how to make war, and those which we have with us should know; but I do not know how to be treacherous. By these four strings of wampum, I reopen your ears, I enlighten your minds, and I remove the bandage, which you have over your eyes, so that you can hear the words of your Father Onontio, who is full of kindness for you, although he has had reason for discontent with some among you. I wish much, presently, to smoke your calumets, to prove to you that I forget what you have done. I will speak to you to morrow on the part of your Father Onontio I ask you to drive away the evil spirit which seduced you and which will destroy you, without remedy, if you do not take care."

I smoked the calumets, they retired well satisfied, and all was quiet for the rest of the day and following night.

August 10th —At 10 o'clock in the morning I assembled all the chiefs and a part of the warriors at my camp. I had prepared a place for the Council. I repeated to them the words of the general, to which they listened with much attention.

Speech of the Marquis de la Gallissonnière with the Nations of Chenengué, brought by Mr. de Celeron, August 10, 1749.
With one belt:

"The friendship which I have for you, my children, notwithstanding your distance from me, induced me to send to you Mr. de Celeron, to carry to you my words and open for you [34] your eyes to the projects which the English make on your land. You are ignorant, without doubt, of the establishment which they propose to make, which will accomplish nothing less than your entire ruin. They hide from you their intentions, which are to establish themselves in such a manner that they will make themselves masters of this whole country and drive you away if I would let them do so. I shall, like a good father who loves his children tenderly, who though at a distance from them carries them all in his heart, avert the peril which menaces them, which is the design which the English have formed to seize your land; and to accomplish this they have commenced to spoil your minds. You know, my children, that they forgot nothing in this last war to put you at war with me. The greater part of your nation has sense enough not to listen to them. I know their good-will, and pardon, like a good father, the past, persuaded that in the future you will live quietly on your mats. Whatever war I have with the English it is for your advantage to guard the neutrality which you yourselves demanded of me when you visited Montreal, to which I willingly consented. By this means you will preserve that peace which makes the happiness of these nations. As I know that the English only inspire you with evil sentiments, and that they design, by their establishments on the Belle Rivière, which belongs to me, to seize on it, I send to them a summons to retire; and I am so much the more right in doing so, as the kings of France and England have agreed that the English should never come here, either for trade or otherwise. This is even one of the conditions of peace which we have made together. Moreover, the chiefs of the Five Nations have told them not to pass the mountains—which are their boundary. I do not wish, at this time, to use violence with the English. I tell them gently my opinions—may they pay attention to them. If, in the [35] future, misfortune happens to them, they can only blame themselves. As for you, my children, live quietly on your mats and do not enter into the discussions which I may have with the English. I will pay attention to all which can be of advantage to you. I invite you to come to see me next year. I will give you marks of my friendship, and will put you in such a condition that you will not regret those whom I exhort you not to permit in your homes.

"I will give you all the aid of a good father who loves you and who will not let you want for anything; those who will bring it to you do not covet your land, either by purchase or usurpation; further than that I will order them to maintain you there against all, and your interests will always be mine, if you behave well. By this means you will always be tranquil, and peace will be in your villages. I have wished, my children, to tell you the sentiments of your Father before speaking to the English, whom I will seek, to tell them to retire."

The Council ended, they seemed well satisfied with what I had told them, and went to their villages to consult together on the replies, which I told them to make the next day, having a long road to travel and the season being far advanced. This village is composed of Iroquois, of Chawneese, and of Loups, which caused the Council to last more than four hours. Besides these three nations there are in the village some Iroquois, from Sault St. Louis, from the Lake of the Two Mountains, some Nepessingues, Abenakes, Ottawas and other nations. This assemblage forms a very bad village, which, tempted by the cheap market which the English offered, were drawn into a very bad disposition for us.

I had called before me the most important of the English traders, to whom I gave a summons to retire to their country with all their employees, as I had done to those whom I had [36] formerly met. They replied, like the others, that they would do so; that they knew well they had no right of trade on the Belle Rivière.

I added that their government was bounded by the mountains, and that they should not pass beyond them. They agreed to that. I wrote to the Governor of Carolina, as I had done to the one at Philadelphia.

August 11th, The savages came to give me their response. If they are sincere I think the General will be satisfied; but there is little dependence to be placed on the promises of such people; so much the more as I have just said that their interest engages them to look with favor on the English, who give them merchandise at so low a price that we have reason to believe that the king of England, or the country, bears the loss which the traders make in the sale of their merchandise to attract the nations. It is true that the expenses of the English are not nearly so great as those which our traders will be obliged to make, on account of the difficulties of the route. It is certain that we will never be able to reclaim the nations except by giving them merchandise at the same price as the English. The difficulty is to find the means.

Here is the Response which the Savages of Chenengué made to
the Speech of the General, August, 1749:

"My Father, we are very glad to see you to-day and in the manner with which you regard us. The Commander of Detroit and of Niagara told us to go to see Onontio; today you come yourself, you write us to descend. We must have lost our mind if we did not pay attention to your words. By this belt we assure you that all the nation which inhabits this river will descend next spring, in order to hear the speech of our Father Onontio. Nothing will be able to change the mind in which we are, even if there remained but one [37] person only, he would have the pleasure of seeing our Father. The shoes which we make for walking on ice will not be fit to take us to Montreal; we pray you to provide for us some that we will find at Niagara as we pass there. My Father, have pity on us; we have no more ancient chiefs, they are only young men who speak to you. Pardon the faults which we make, for you, who are wisdom itself, make some. You come to drive the English from this continent; to this we consent willingly, but you should also bring with you traders to furnish us with necessaries. If you have pity for us, leave us the English, so that they can give us the help which will be necessary to us until spring. You see the unhappy state in which we will be if you have not this kindness for us; do not be surprised not to see the replies to your belts. Those whom you see here are only young men who guard the cabins until our chiefs and warriors return. We will inform them of your intentions and of the sentiments of our Father Onontio, and that we may be tranquil. We pray you to leave with us one of our children, Joncaire, to lead us to our Father and work conjointly at good affairs."

Reply of Mr. de Celeron to the demand of the Savages that they may have one of the Messrs. Joncaire:

"My children, it is not in my power to dispose of the officers which your Father has confided to me. When you descend you can ask him for one of the Messrs. de Joncaire, and I am persuaded that he will not refuse you."

Continuation of the Speech of the Savages:

"We thank you for the hope that you give us that our Father will give us one of our children; we assure you again that we will do without reserve all that you have demanded of us. We would be charmed to see you for a longer time, [38] and we thank our brothers who are with you for the advice they have given us, and we will give attention to it."

So soon as the Council finished I had the presents brought which I had intended for them and which were very considerable; they were flattered by them. I encouraged them anew to keep their promises, and above all to come to see the General next year, assuring them that they would have reason to be satisfied with the reception of their Father Onontio.

My business being finished, I had my canoes placed in the water and embarked to continue my route. Nearly four leagues below there is a river from the south, on which there are several villages; I did not disembark, having spoken to them at Chenengué.

12th, I embarked at 6 o'clock in the morning, after having made four or five leagues. I encountered two canoes, loaded with packs and guided by four Englishmen. I disembarked to speak to them; all that I could learn from them was that they had come from St. Yotoc, (Scioto.) from whence they had departed twenty-five days since. I had no English interpreters, and they could not speak Iroquois; this was the only language for which I had an interpreter. I re-embarked and marched until 3 o'clock, and having much sickness, I sent my savages to hunt, in the hope that this beautiful river—which had been described to the Governor as being abundant in game—would furnish me some to refresh my men, who cannot live longer only on mush. But I was mistaken, my savages having only killed a buck, which is a feeble resource to comfort people hungry and sick.

13th, I departed early in the morning and I encountered several pirogues, conducted by Iroquois, who were hunting on the rivers which intersect the land. At noon I sealed and [39] interred a plate of lead at the entrance of the river, and attached to a tree the arms of the king, and drew up the following Procès Verbal:

Procès Verbal of the Position of a Plate of Lead at the entrance of the River Kanawha:

"Year 1749, I, Celeron, Chevalier of the Order Royal and Military of St. Louis, Captain Commanding the Detachment sent by the orders of the Marquis de la Gallissonnière, Commandant General in Canada, in the Belle Rivière, accompanied by the principal officers of our detachment, have interred at the foot of a large cone, (Cone pine.) at the entrance of the river and on the south bank of the Kenawah, which discharges itself to the east of the river Ohio, a plate of lead, and attached in the same place to a tree the arms of the king. In faith of which we have drawn up and signed with the officers the present Procès Verbal, at our Camp, August 13th, 1749."

The 14th of August, I departed at 7 o'clock in the morning, not being able to leave sooner on account of the darkness. I passed two rivers, of which the entrances are very beautiful. The hunting has been pretty abundant to-day in bucks. The 15th, I continued my route and placed a lead plate at the entrance of the river Yenanguekouan and drew up the following Procès Verbal:

Procès Verbal of the Position of a Fourth Lead Plate, at the entrance of the River Yenanguekouan, August 15, 1749:

On the 15th of August, 1749, I, Celeron, Chevalier of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis, Captain Commanding the Detachment sent by the orders of the Marquis de la Gallissonière, Commanding General of Canada, on the Belle Rivière, otherwise called the Ohio River, accompanied by the [40] principal officers of our detachment, have interred, at the foot of a maple, which forms a tripod with a red oak and a cone pine, at the entrance of the river Yenanguekouan, on the west shore of this river, a plate of lead, and in the same place attached to a tree the arms of the king. In faith of which we have drawn up the present Procès Verbal with the officers, at our camp, August 15th, 1749.

On the 16th, I could not depart until 9 o'clock, having slept in the woods. I made nearly twelve leagues.

On the 17th, I embarked at 7 o'clock; in the course of the journey I passed two beautiful rivers, which descended, one from the north, the other from the south of the Belle Rivière. I do not know their names. I disembarked early to hunt, being altogether reduced to a diet of bread.

The 18th, I departed at an early hour. I camped at noon, the rain preventing us continuing our route. I have this day placed a lead plate at the entrance of the river Chiniondaista and attached the arms of the king to a tree. This river carries canoes for forty leagues without encountering rapids, and has its source near Carolina. The English of this government come by treaty to the Belle Rivière.

Procès Verbal of the Fifth Plate of Lead, placed at the entrance of the River Chiniondaista, (Kanawha.) the 18th of August, 1749.

The year 1749, I, Celeron, Chevalier of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis, Captain Commanding the Detachment sent by the order of the Marquis de la Gallissonnière, Commandant General of Canada, on the Belle Rivière, otherwise called the Ohio River, accompanied by the principal officers of our detachment, have buried, at the foot of a tree, on the southern shore of the Ohio and the eastern shore of [41] Chiniondaista, a plate of lead, and have in the same place attached to a tree the arms of the king. In faith of which we have drawn up the present Procès Verbal, which we have signed with the officers at our camp, August 18th, 1749.

19th, The rain having continued with so much violence that I was forced to raise my camp to ascend the bank, the shore being inundated.

The 20th, I re-embarked. After having gone some leagues I saw a man on the shore. I went to him, he was a savage Loup, who was returning from war on the nation du Chien. It was sixteen days since he departed alone, without food or ammunition. I gave him some to take him to Chiningue, from which he was distant. I questioned him on the number of people which there were at St. Yotoc. He replied that there might be eighty cabins, and perhaps one hundred. I continued my route until 3 o'clock and hunted.

On the 21st, The savages of my detachment came to tell me that they feared to arrive at St. Yotoc, without having given notice to the nations of that place, of my intentions; that this village was considerable and that it might be believed that these savages having news of my march, and not being without apprehension that those who had carried the news to them of my arrival had told them, as in the villages which I have passed, many stories which induced them to make ambushes at the approach of the village. I assembled the officers to consult together on the part we should take. It was determined to send a canoe to St. Yotoc to tranquillize the nations and restore their spirits, in case any carrier of news had troubled them. It was Mr. de Joncaire, that I chose to go there with Teganakassin and Lactarquerate, both chiefs of the Sault de St. Louis and faithful servants of the king, and three Abenakis chiefs. Mr. de Niverville asked to go; I permitted him. I gave some hours for the advance of [42] my envoys, then I re-embarked and landed as usual for the hunt.

22d, I embarked at 7 o'clock in the morning, after having delivered the munitions of war to all my people, and encouraged them to do their duty if the savages should wish to undertake anything against us. After having made about four leagues, I saw a canoe, which appeared to me to be manned with seven or eight men, and had a white flag; as soon as they saw me they landed. I went to them; it was Mr. de Joncaire with seven savages, an equal number of Shawnees (Chaouonons.) and Iroquois. As soon as I had disembarked the chiefs came and gave me their hands, the others did the same, then sat down and remained silent for some time. Their eyes appeared to me excited. I commenced the subject to Mr. de Joncaire, who told me that the nations of St. Yotoc were very much troubled, and that as soon as they had arrived they had fired on them with balls and even pierced the flag with three balls; that when they disembarked they were conducted into the cabin of the council, and when they would have told them the subject of their commission, a savage had stood up and interrupted him saying that the French deceived them and that they only came among them to ruin them and their families; then at that instant the youth had run for arms saying they must commence by killing these Frenchmen, send our families into the woods and then go and form ambuscades for the canoes. According to what Mr. de Joncaire and the savages which accompanied him told me, this would have been done to them had not an Iroquois chief turned aside the storm and quieted them and engaged himself to come before me with those who would follow him; and for surety they were guarding Mr. de Niverville and the savages. At last, after a half hour of silence, the Iroquois chief arose and said to me:

[43] "My Father, thou seest before thy eyes people without sense, and who have been on the point of embroiling the land forever. Regard us with pity and have no resentment for that which we have done. Our old men, now that thou hast arrived at our village, will show their repentance of the fault which they have committed. For two months we have been like drunken men, on account of the bad news which were brought to us from the village which you passed."

I replied to him:

"I do not know what you mean to tell me, when I go to St. Yotoc I will find out, and I will see what I shall do. You came to me of your own accord. Thou wouldst have done wisely to bring back the savages who were with Mr. de Joncaire. Shortly return to thy village; I will go there soon. Thou must advise thy youth not to salute in their manner, it will be dangerous for them."

I gave a cup to drink, to those who were with him, and sent them away, because Mr. de Joncaire said to me: "I know well that these savages have evil intentions and are much frightened; within twice twenty-four hours they have made a fort of stones, well doubled and fit to defend them." That made me reflect seriously. I knew the weakness of my detachment; two-thirds were of young men who have never made a sortie, and who at the aspect of ten savages attacking me would have taken flight. I had not been the master to choose others, and whatever recommendation had been made to Mr. de la Gallissonnière, on leaving Quebec, to give us chosen men, was not paid attention to. There was no other way to take than of continuing my route—wanting provisions, my canoes unserviceable, no more gum or bark. I re-embarked, ready for all events; I had good officers and nearly fifty men on whom I could depend. At a quarter of a league from the village I was discovered; at once the salutes commenced and [44] the savages fired nearly a thousand times. I am sure that the powder was furnished to them gratis by the English. I disembarked opposite the village and saluted; the chiefs and the old men crossed the river and came to me with the white flag and the calumet (pipe) of peace, cut some grass for us to make seats and invited me to take seats with all the officers. They had brought with them Mr. de Niverville and the savages whom they had guarded; as we went to sit down there came up nearly eighty men, armed and equipped as warriors. I had arms taken to my detachment. These eighty men stood in line twenty paces from us and leaned on their guns. I said to the chief that I was surprised at the manner of this rashness, and if they did not retire promptly I would fire on them; they replied that they had not come with evil designs, that they came to salute anew, but that they would retire if that displeased me. This they did at once, firing their guns in the air, which were only charged with powder. The calumets were presented to me and to all the Officers; after this ceremony a Shawnee (Chaouanon) chief arose and complimented me on my arrival. I told them I would speak to them the next day at my tent, where I would light the fire of the Governor. They replied to me that they had in their village a cabin for council, where they would hear, if I would go there with all my officers, all that I had to tell them on the part of their father Onontio. I refused them, and said it was for them to come to me and hear what I had to say to them, and they being disappointed it would be a great imprudence to go to their village. I held firm on this article, and lead them to my point. They returned to their village. The corps de garde were placed and the rounds made all night, very particularly by the officers. It is to be observed that this village, which is composed of Shawnees (Chaouanons) and Iroquois of the Five Nations, has had added to it more than thirty men of [45] the Sault St. Louis, whom licentiousness had made to retire there. Abundance of hunting and a cheap market—which the English gave them—are motives very seducing for them. The son of Tenaga Kassin is there, and never has his father or myself been able to bring him away; besides the people of the Sault St. Louis, there are some from the lake, the two mountains, Loups, Miamis, and from nearly all the nations of the upper country. All these additions are worth no more than the Chaouanons and are entirely devoted to the English.

23d, I sent to give them notice by Mr. de Joncaire, to come to my camp to hear the words of their Father. They refused to come at first, saying, that it was in the council cabin that they should be spoken to. I replied that it was for the children to come to their Father, where he wished to light his fire. After some conference they came to my camp and made their excuses in these terms:

Speech of the Savages of St. Yotoc to Mr. de Celeron, with
four strings of Wampum, August 23, 1749:

"My Father, we are ashamed to appear before you after our impertinence yesterday to those you sent to us. We are in despair. We ask pardon and pray our brothers and thee to bury this bad affair; the regret which we feel for it makes us hope that you will pardon us."

Reply of Mr. de Celeron to the Savages of St. Yotoc, on the same day:

"My children, no one could be more surprised than I was when I learned by the canoe which came before me the reception which you had given to the chiefs which I had sent to announce to you my arrival and tell you that I had come to carry to you the words of your Father Onontio; they were furnished with all the marks that they could have to prove [46] that I only came to your village tranquilly. This token, so respected by all nations, has not been by you, and you have fired on it. Not content with that, you have listened, in preference to my words, to those of a wicked man who is in your village and who is a slave. I have been the more surprised knowing for a long time that the Shawnees (Chaouanons) have sense; they have appeared on this occasion more desirous to insult the envoys. What have you done, Chaouanons, with the sense which you had ten years ago, when Mr. de Longueil passed here to go to Chiachias? Thou wast in his presence and by all kinds of ways you showed to him the goodness of thy heart and thy sentiments. He even raised a troop of thy young men to follow him. He had not even given notice to you of his arrival; but you had at this time the French heart, and to-day thou lettest thyself be corrupted by the English, who dwell with you continually, and that under pretence to give you some assistance, only seek to ruin thee. Reflect on the just reproaches which I make to thee and rid thyself of these bad people who will be, if you do not take care, the ruin of the nation. Thou hast opened on my arrival the throat by four strings of wampum. I have not need of that medicine, The heart of the Governor is a pipe, good for his children; but as thou must have a stronger dose of it, by these strings of wampum, I evacuate all the bad humors. The pardon which thou demandest of the fault and the regret which thou appearest to have for it, inclines me to pardon thee. Be wiser in the future. I bury this evil affair, as thou askest me, and I will pray thy Father Onontio not to preserve any resentment. I invite thee to reject all the evil discourses which may be made to thee in the future and listen well to the words of thy Father Onontio which I bring to you.

[47] Speech of the General to the Savages of the Village of St. Yotoc, August 23, 1749. Brought by Mr. de Celeron. By one belt:

"The friendship, my children, which I have for you, although so distant, has prompted me to send Mr. de Celeron to make you open your eyes and discover the projects which the English form against you and the land which you inhabit. You are ignorant, no doubt, of the establishments which they can make here, and which aim at nothing less than your ruin; they hide from you their ideas, which are to form here, and construct forts strong enough to destroy you, if I let them do so. I am, like a good father, who tenderly loves his children, and who, although at a distance from them, thinks always on what is best for their advantage, and warns them of peril which menaces them. You know, my children, that they forgot nothing in the last war which I had with them, to engage you to declare against me; happy for you that you did not listen to them. I think kindly of you for it; of others, who let themselves be seduced, I have pardoned some of them, persuaded that they will be wiser in the future and will not listen any more to the bad people, who only seek to trouble the land. But to put us entirely beyond their seduction, I sent promptly a summons to them to retire from my land, where they never had a right to enter. The kings of France and of England agreed in the treaties of peace that the English should never come to trade, or for anything else, into la Belle Rivière. I do not wish this time to make use of force, although I would be right if I had them pillaged. I warn them gently—may they pay attention to it—if another time there happens to them any misfortune it will be their own fault.

"As for you, my children, live tranquilly on your land, and do not enter into the discussions which I may have with the [48] English; I will pay attention to all which can be to your advantage. I invite you to come to see us next year; I will give you marks of my friendship, and will put you in such a position that you will not regret those whom I sent from your country. I will give you all the aid which you should expect from a good father who loves you and will not let you want anything. Those who will bring it to you will not invade your lands to drive you from them; on the contrary, I will order them to maintain you there, and their interest will always be the same."

By another belt:

"For the two years I have been in this country I have been entirely occupied in learning the interests of my children and that which can be of advantage to them. I have learned with pain the affair which has happened between you and the Illinois. As you are equally my children, and as I have for you the bowels of a father, I charge Mr. de Celeron, whom I send into the villages of the Belle Rivière, to carry my words, to give you a belt from me; to engage you to be reconciled with your brothers, the Illinois. I have taken the same precautions with them, having sent a commandant of this post with orders to speak to them on my part, and to tell them to keep themselves tranquil. I hope, my children, that you will both hear with pleasure my words, and that you will determine to live in peace and union, like my true children. I will not enter upon the subject of your quarrel; I ignore even who is the aggressor; but whoever it may be, it is suitable that he should make the necessary advances for reconciliation, and that the offended forgets the injury which he has received. I will be obliged to him inasmuch as I only seek to procure for them that which is most advantageous for them."

[49] While we were in the council, a Chaouanon entered, with a much frightened air, and told the chiefs that all the nations of Detroit were coming to fall on them, and that, while I was amusing them, they were going to see their villages destroyed. I saw that there was an alteration in this savage. I asked him the reason. I reassured them from their fright, and restored them so well that the council was not long interrupted. After having explained to them the intentions of the General, I gave them a cup to drink. They then returned to their village. As soon as they had departed, I sent Mr. de Joncaire to inform himself of the news which had just arrived. He was not long returning, and reported to me that three Ottawas had arrived at a village in the country, ten leagues from St. Yotoc, and that immediately couriers had left to carry us the news that the Ottawas would not arrive for two days. I judged they were couriers that Mr. de Sabrevois sent me, to give me advice about the disposition of the people of Detroit.

The 24th, The savages replied, after having made some objections to coming to the French camp to make their reply; but, seeing that I persisted with firmness in my system, they came, and here is their reply, very badly explained, their interpreter being very bad:

Reply of the Savages of St. Yotoc to the Speech of the General, August 24, 1749, by six strings of Wampum:

"My Father, we have come to tell you that we have heard the speech of our Father Onontio with great pleasure; that all that which he has told us is true, and for our good, and that we and our brothers, the Miamis, who are here, will conform to it, having but one sole thought. For these strings of wampum we assure our Father Onontio that all those who live in our village will not work any more on evil affairs, and [50] will not listen again to evil discourses. My Father, we thank you that you wish to reconcile us with our brothers, the Illinois. We promise you to work for that. This speech has given pleasure to all our village.

"My Father, by these strings of wampum, we thank you for the manner in which you have spoken to us. We encourage you to continue your work, and to give spirit to all your children, so that the land may be tranquil. As for us Chaouanons, we assure you that we will only work with good affairs."

On the 25th I assembled all the chiefs, and made them a present, on the part of the General, and asked them to keep the promise which they had given me. A little while after, I made the traders come to me, and summoned them to retire, making them feel that they have no right of commerce or anything else in the Belle Rivière.

I wrote to the Governor of Carolina, whom I have well warned of the risks which their traders will run if they return here. That was enjoined on me in my instructions, and even to pillage the English, but I was not strong enough for that—these traders being established in the village, and well sustained by the savages. I would have made an attempt, which might not have succeeded, and would have turned against the French. The Ottawas sent by Mr. de Sabrevois arrived, and brought me letters by which advice was given to me, which was no more than that which Mr. La Naudière had told me—of the disposition of the savages of Detroit—and, besides that, that some efforts which Mr. de Longueil had made to engage them to march they had constantly refused. I gave provision to these couriers, although I was very short; and I wrote to Mr. de Sabrevois, and asked him to keep twenty canoes below Detroit, with provisions for my establishment, at the commencement of October.

[51] The 26th, I departed, at 10 o'clock in the morning, from St. Yotoc. All the savages were under arms, and saluted when I passed before the village.

The 27th, I arrived at the Rivière Blanche at 10 o'clock in the evening. I knew that, three leagues in the country, there were six cabins of the Miamis, which induced me to sleep at this place.

The 28th, I sent Mr. de Villiers and my son to these cabins, to tell these savages to come to speak to me. They brought them, and I engaged them to come with me to the village of the Demoiselle, where I was going to carry the words of their Father Onontio. They consented, asking me to wait until the next day, to give them time to go for their equipage. There are in this village two Sonontonane cabins. The policy of these nations is to have some of them with them who are like protectors. I engaged one of the Sonontonanes, who speaks Miami well, to come with me to the home of the Demoiselle. (Fort Laramie.) I needed him, not having an interpreter of this language, and I had some affairs of consequence to treat with them.

The 29th, I wrote to Mr. Raimond, Captain and Commandant at the Miamis, and asked him to send to me the one named "King's Interpreter," with as many horses as possible, to make the transport of our baggage at a portage of fifty leagues.

The 30th, The savages of the Rivière Blanche having arrived, I embarked to gain the Rivière a la Roche, and at the entrance I buried a plate of lead, and attached to a tree the arms of the king—of which I drew up a Procès Verbal.

Procès Verbal of the Sixth Plate of Lead, buried at the entrance
of the River a la Roche, (Miami.) August 31, 1749.

"The year 1749, I, Celeron, Chevalier of the Order Royal and Military of St. Louis, Captain Commanding a Detachment sent by the orders of the Marquis de la Galissonnière, Commanding General in Canada, in the Belle Rivière (otherwise the Ohio), accompanied by the principal officers of our detachment, have buried on the point formed by the right shore of the Ohio, and the left of the River la Roche, a plate of lead, and attached to a tree the arms of the king. In faith of which we have drawn up and signed with the officers the present Procès Verbal."

September.—That done, I embarked; the little water which I found in this river made me take thirteen days to ascend it.

The 12th, The Miamis of the village of the Demoiselle, having learned that I was about to arrive at their home, sent four chiefs to me with calumets of peace for me to smoke, as I had invited them to my people on land, not having water enough in the river to draw the loaded canoes through. I was informed by Mr. Courtmanche, an officer of the detachment, of the arrival of these envoys. I disembarked at the place where they were, and, when we were all seated, they commenced their ceremonies, presenting to me the calumet. I accepted it. They then carried it to Mr. de Contrecœur, second captain of the detachment, and to all the officers, and to the Canadians, who, famished for a smoke, wished that the ceremony had lasted a long time. The hour having arrived to encamp, we slept at this place. The messengers rested with us. I was obliged, notwithstanding the little provision we had, to give them supper.

13th, I arrived at the village de la Demoiselle, and I placed my camp and arranged the sentries and waited for the [53] arrival of the interpreter, which I had demanded from Mr. de Raimond. During this time I sounded their minds to learn if they were willing to return to Kiskakon. This is the name of their ancient village. It appeared to me that they had not a great repugnance. They had two English workmen in their village, whom I made leave; those who had passed the summer there trading, had retired with their effects by land. They have roads communicating from one village to the other.

17th, Tired—that the interpreter did not arrive, and that my provisions were consumed waiting for him. I determined to speak to the Demoiselle by means of an Iroquois, who spoke Miami well. I showed them magnificent presents, on the part of the General, to engage them to come to their village, and explained to them his intentions in these terms:

Speech of the General to the Miamis, to the Demoiselle established at the River à la Roche, and to Bariel, established at the River Blanche. Carried by Mr. de Celeron, February 17, 1749, by eight strings of Wampum, for the two Villages:

"My children, the manner in which I have dealt with you, notwithstanding what you have done to the French— that I have given subsistence for your women and children— should prove to you the attachment which I have for you, and the justice of my sentiments. I forget that which you have done, and I bury it in the deepest part of the earth, that I may not remember it again, persuaded that you have done nothing but at the instigation of people whose policy is to trouble the land and spoil the mind of those with whom they have intercourse, and who profit by the unfortunate ascendancy which you have let them gain over you, make you commit errors and engage you in evil affairs—without letting it [54] appear that they have any part in them—so as to injure you with me. It is to enlighten you that I send to you my words; listen well to them and pay attention to them, my children. They are the words of a father who loves you, and to whom your interests are dear. I extinguish by these two strings of wampum the two fires which you have kept alight for two years at the River à la Roche and at the River Blanche. I extinguish them in such a manner that not a spark shall appear from them."

By one belt to the Demoiselle and one to Bariel:

"My children, I come to tell you by this string of wampum that I will extinguish the fires which you have lighted on the River à la Roche and at the River Blanche. By these belts I raise you up from your mats and I take you by the hand to lead you to Kiskakon, where I will relight your fires and fill them more solid than ever. It is in this land, my children, that there will be joined to you a perfect tranquillity, and where every moment I will be in the way to give you marks of my friendship. It is in this country, my children, that you will meet with the sweetness of life, it being the place where the bones of your ancestors repose and those of Mr. de Vincennes, who loved you so much, and who always governed you in such a manner that affairs were always good. If you have forgotten the counsels which he gave you, his ashes will recall to you the memory. The bones of your ancestors suffer for your remoteness; have pity for the dead who recall you to your village; follow with your women and your children the chief that I send to you to carry my speech and who will relight your fire at Kiskakon in such a way that it will never be extinguished. I will give you all the help that you should expect from my friendship, and know, my children, that I will do for you that which I have never done for any other nation."

[55] Another Speech by four strings of Wampum and two to Bariel.

"By these strings of porcelain I place a barrier at every passage that leads to the Belle Rivière, so that you will never go there again, and that the English, who are the authors of all evil affairs, can not approach to this land which belongs to me. I make for you at the same time a good road to lead you to Kiskakon, (Now Fort Wayne.) where I will relight your fire. I break off all commerce with the English, whom I have warned to retire from my land, and if they come there they will have cause to repent."

By two strings of Wampum to the Demoiselle and two to Mr. Bariel:

"Since you have done, my children, that which I demanded of you, which is only for your advantage, I invite you to come to see me next year, and to receive from me also sensible marks of my friendship. I give the same invitation to all your brothers of the Belle Rivière. I hope that you both have sufficient sense to respond, as you should, and, to begin to give you a proof of my friendship, I send you these presents to cover your women and your children. I join to them powder and balls, to gain a living easier on the route which you are going to take, to take you to Kiskakon. Abandon the land where you are; it is pernicious to you, and profit by that which I make for you."

The council finished, every one retired. They carried the presents to their village, where they assembled to make their replies. On the 18th, at 9 o'clock in the morning, they came to make their reply.

[56] Reply of the Demoiselle, Chief of the Miamis, established at the River à la Roche, and of Bariel, established at the River Blanche, February 18, 1749, by two Calumets of Peace:

"It is the old custom among us, when good affairs are spoken of, to present some calumets. We pray you to listen to us; we are going to reply to what you have said to us. This calumet is a testimony of the pleasure which I have to smoke together, and we hope to smoke the same calumet with our Father next year."

By one belt:

"My Father, we heard with pleasure yesterday your speech. We see well that you have only come for good affairs. We have only a good response to make to you. You have made us remember the bones of our ancestors, who groan, and we see in this place that which recalls us continually. You made for us a fine road to return to our ancient nest. We thank you for it, my Father, and we promise you to go there in the early spring. We thank you for the good words which you have given us. We see well that you do not forget us. Be sure that we will always work at good affairs with the Chaouanons. We recall the good advice which Mr. de Vincennes gave us. My Father, you have business with people without sense, and who cannot reply to you perhaps as you hoped; but they speak truth. It is not with the lips they speak to you; it is from the bottom of the heart. You have told us to make serious reflections upon what you have said to us. We have done so, and we will continue to do so all winter.

"We hope to have the pleasure to give you a good speech in the spring. If the hunting is good we will repair our faults. We assure you, my Father, that we will listen no more to the evil discourses or the evil news. We have at present some sense."

[57] Reply to the Demoiselle and to Bariel in the same Council by Mr. de Celeron:

"I have listened to my children, and I have well weighed your speech; either because you have not well understood, or you pretend so, you do not reply to that which I said to you. I proposed to you, on the part of your Father Onontio, that you should come with me to Kiskakon, to there relight your fire and remake your nest. You put it off until next spring. I would have been charmed to be able to say to your Father Onontio that I had led you there. That would have given him pleasure, on account of the interest which he takes in what concerns you. You tell me you will go there at the end of winter. Be true to your promise. Assure him of that, for he is stronger than you, and if you fail, fear the resentment of a father, who has but too much reason to be irritated against you, and who has offered you the means of regaining his favor."

Reply to these Words by the Demoiselle and Bariel:

"My Father, we will be faithful in executing the promise which we have given thee. We will go at the close of winter to our ancient cabin, and if the Master favors our hunting we hope to repair our passed faults. Be convinced that we do not speak from our lips, but from the bottom of our hearts. We cannot, at present, return to where you have come to lead us. The season is too far advanced."

The council finished. I stopped some old men, to attempt to discover whether what they had told me was sincere; I spoke with these savages, who assured me that both villages would return in spring to Kiskakon, and that which delayed them was that they had no cabins built where I could conduct them, and that when hunting in the winter they would [58] approach their village, and that they would return there certainly. Roi, for whom I had asked Mr. de Raimon, arrived on the 19th. I remained, to try, by the means of Roi, to persuade the Demoiselle, with some other chiefs, to return with me to relight their fires, and make their nests at Kiskakon. I did not succeed. They continued always to say and assure me that they would return next spring. On the 20th, all being ready for our departure, we raised our camp, after having burned our canoe, with which we could not make the transport. We began our march by land, everyone carrying his provisions and his baggage, excepting the officers, for whom I had procured horses, and some men to lead them. I had formed all my people in four brigades, of which each one had an officer at the right and the left. I conducted the right and Mr. de Contrecœur the left. We only spent five and a half days in making this route, which is estimated at fifty leagues.

The 25th, I arrived at Mr. de Raymond's, who commands at Kiskakon. I only rested here long enough to purchase some provisions, and some pirogues, to take me to Detroit.

The 26th, I caused to come to me the Pied Froid, chief of the Miamis, established at Kiskakon, and some others of consequence, to whom I repeated, in the presence of Mr. Raymond and the officers of our detachment, that which I had said at the village of Demoiselle and the reply which I had to it. After they had listened with a great deal of attention, they arose and said to me: "I wish I was mistaken, but I am attached enough to the French to say that the Demoiselle will lie. My only sorrow is to be the only one who loves you and to see all the nations of the south incensed against the French."

The 27th, I left Mr. de Raymond's, not having found enough pirogues for all my people. One party went by land, [59] under the guidance of some officers, and some savages to guide them through the woods. I spent eight days in going to the lower part of Detroit. When I arrived, the 6th of February, I found some canoes and provisions for my detachment. I would have left the same day, if my savages would have followed me, but they amused themselves drinking, in the lower part of the river Miamis. I waited for them on the 7th and they arrived at the close of the 8th. I left on the 9th of February the lower part of Detroit, and slept at the Pointe Pellé. During the traverse of Lake Erie nothing happened to us that merits attention.

I arrived at Niagara on the 19th, where I was delayed three days by bad weather. The 22d I left Niagara by the south of Lake Ontario, to go to Fort Frontenac. I spent fourteen days in passing this lake, in which I have had several canoes broken by the violence of the winds, and I arrived on the 6th at 9 o'clock at said fort.

November, I departed from Fort Frontenac. I passed to the establishment of Mr. Piquette. I had received orders from the Marquis de la Gallissonnière to see the addition which he had made to it during my voyage. I did not see any change since I had passed at the beginning of July. His fort had been burned since his departure for Montreal, by the savages, who were thought to have been sent by the English of Choueginus. A large field of grain was also burned, and a kind of redoubt, which was in the angle of a bastion, has been saved, although the fire had been put to it several times. There were only three men on guard at this fort, of which one had an arm carried off by a gun, which burst in his hands when firing on those who made the fire.

I asked if anyone knew the nation who had done this deed. I was told that it was two Goyoquines, who had passed the summer with Mr. Piquette, and who had been hired by the [60] English to take away his negro. I departed, and slept at the foot of the Rapids.

10th, At 9 o'clock I arrived at Montreal, where I remained two days. I descended to Quebec to give an account to the Marquis de la Jonquiere of my voyage. I have been very happy—notwithstanding the fatigue of the campaign, and the bad fare, and the quantity of sickness—to lose but one man, who was drowned in the shipwreck of Mr. de la Jonquiere. In the estimation of Father Bonnecamp, Jesuit and great mathematician, who has given great attention to the route, the journey was 1,200 leagues; by mine and that of the officers of the detachment it is longer. All that I can say is, that the nations of these places are very ill-disposed against the French and entirely devoted to the English. I do not know by what means they can be reclaimed. If violence is employed they would be warned and take to flight; they have a grand refuge in the flat plains, from which they are not far. If we send to trade with them, our traders can never give our merchandise at the price the English do, because of the great expense they would be at. Furthermore, I think it would be dangerous to make easier conditions with the nations who inhabit the Belle Rivière than in the roads to Detroit, Miamis and others. It would be to people our old posts and perpetuate the nations on the Belle Rivière and who are within the reach of the English Government. They have nevertheless sent their armies, but they had fewer English and they had not credit as they have to-day; and if the French traders would tell the truth, they would admit that their profits proceed but from the trade which they make with the English by the exchange of peltry, cats, otters and skins, all at a low price, in England, and with us very high. Thus have we seen come from this place only peltries and no beaver,.—they are given in exchange to the English.

[61] A substantial establishment could be useful to the Colonies, but there are many inconveniences to sustain from the difficulties of the road on which to transport provisions and effects necessary. I doubt if one would succeed except by making a strong defence. I feel obliged, by the knowledge which I have of all these places, to put these reflections at the end of my Journal, of which such use may be made as is thought proper.
                                                                              Signed, CELERON.

Copy of the Summons made to the English of la Belle Rivière.

I, Celeron, Captain, Chevalier of the Royal and Military order of St. Louis, Commanding a Detachment sent by the Marquis de la Gallissonnière, Commanding General of New France, have summoned you English traders, who trade in an Indian village situated on the Belle Rivière, to retire to their country with their effects and baggage, under pain of being treated as interlopers; in case of refusal, to which summons the said English have said that they were going to retire to their country with their effects.
          Executed in our camp of la Belle Rivière.
[Copied.]                                                                       Signed,
                                                                          DE LA JONQUIÈRE.

* * * * * *

Notes on Celeron's Expedition, by William M. Darlington.

Kannaigai River and Village, doubtless the same as Conewango or rapids—a carrying place for canoes.

Venango—Rivière aux Bœufs—otherwise Zynango (tobacco).

Hart's Rock is two miles below Pittsburgh.

Attiquè, Kiskiminitas River, about twenty-five miles above [62] Pittsburgh, emptying into the Allegheny. Village of Loups. Alliquippa, opposite Brunot's Island. North shore.

Leaden Plates Deposited.

(See Bonnecamp's Map.)

with Historical, Geographical and Ethnological Notes
and Biographies of his Contemporaries.
By William Darlington, Pittsburgh, Weldin & Co., 1893.

First, on the 29th of July, 1749, at the junction of Conewango Creek and Allegheny River, now Warren.

Second, on the 3d of August, at the Three Rivers (Pittsburgh).

Third, on the 16th of August, at the mouth of the Muskingum (Marietta).

Fourth, on the 18th of August, at the mouth of the Kaskaskia (Point Pleasant).

Celeron descended to the mouth of the Wabash.

[63] CAMPAIGN OF 1758.

OF SEPTEMBER 14, 1758.

(Endorsed by Col. Bouquet.)

See Illustration of Fort Pittsburgh and Its Environs.

September 14, 1758.

Sir:—If it had been in my power to write sooner, you will do me the justice to believe that I should have troubled you long before this time with an account of the detachment which marched the 9th of September from the Camp of Loyal Hanna.

We were lucky enough not to be discovered in our march, though several scouting parties passed very near us. We got to an advantageous post the 12th, about three in the afternoon, which, according to the information of all our guides, was ten or twelve miles from the French fort. I thought it was a proper place to encamp in, as I did not think it advisable to go nearer, for fear of being discovered; but I afterward found that our guides were much mistaken about the distance, for, as near as I can judge, the camp is about sixteen miles from the top of the Hill, where we were to take post. The 13th, at break of day, I sent Major Lewis, with 200 men, and our Indians, with orders to post men in ambuscade, about five [64] miles from the fort, which was all the precaution I could take to prevent our being discovered in the camp. I flattered myself that, if a reconnoitering party was sent out, it might possibly fall into the ambuscade, and, in that case, in all probability they must have been killed or taken; and, if they had sent, in the event our plans succeeding, a second party from the fort, would have found the whole party ready to receive them. I ordered Mr. Chew to march with a party of fifteen or twenty men to reconnoitre the ground and to try, without exposing himself or the men, to draw a party of the enemy into the ambuscade.

He only went with three Indians, who soon left him, and, by that means, in place of returning to Major Lewis about ten o'clock as I expected, he was obliged to conceal himself till night came on, and he joined me upon the march about eleven o'clock at night. But I would not be understood to reflect upon him; he is a good, brisk young lad. About three in the afternoon I marched forward to the rest of the detachment, and I found Major Lewis advantageously posted about four miles from our camp. The post, I was assured, was not seven miles from the fort, though I found it was above twelve. After giving orders to the troops, and particular instructions to the captains, I proceeded about six in the evening toward the fort, expecting to get to the top of the Hill about eleven at night; but, as the distance was so much greater than I imagined, it was after two in the morning before we got there. The instructions, when I left Loyal Hanna, were that a particular party should be sent to attack each Indian fire, but, as these fires either had not been made, or were burnt out before we got to the ground, it was impossible to make any disposition of that kind. Major Lewis was informed of every particular of our project before we marched from Loyal Hanna, and was told there that he was to command the [65] troops that were to be sent upon the attack. As I was to continue upon the height to make a disposition for covering his retreat (which we did not desire to be made in good order) and for forming the rear guard in our march from the fort, you will easily believe that he and I had frequent conversations upon the march about our plan of operations. I sent for him the moment the troops arrived upon the hill opposite the fort, and told him that as we had been misinformed by the guides in regard to the distance, and had got there much later than we expected, it was impossible to make the projected disposition of a party of men for the attack on each fire; but that it was impossible to continue another day without being discovered, and that as the night was far advanced, there was no time to be lost. I therefore ordered him to march directly, with 100 Americans, (Royal Americans, 60th Regiment) 200 Highlanders and 100 Virginians, and to attack anything that was found about the fort. I gave orders that no attention should be paid to the sentries, who probably would challenge, and, in case they were fired upon they were not to return it upon any account—but to march on as fast as possible—and were not to fire a shot till they were close to the enemy; and that after they discharged their pieces they were to use their bayonets without loading a second time. I told the Major that I would order all our drums and pipes to beat the retreat when it was time for the troops to relieve, that I was indifferent what order they came back in, that it was the same thing to me if there was not three of them together, provided they did the business they were sent upon. The Major had not half a mile to march into the open plain where the fort stands, the 400 men under his command had a white shirt over his clothes to prevent mistakes and that they might even at a distance distinguish one another. I saw the Americans and Highlanders march off and gave directions that the Virginians should fall in in the rear. Sending a greater [66] number of men might possibly, I thought, occasion confusion, and I was of opinion that 400 men were quite sufficient to carry the service into execution. I was absolutely certain we were not discovered when the troops marched from the hill. I thought our loss must be inconsiderable, and never doubted but that everything would succeed beyond our most sanguine expectations.

After posting the remaining part of the troops in the best manner I could, I placed myself and the drums and pipes at the head of the Highlanders who were in the centre and exactly opposite the fort. During the operation the time passed. The day advanced fast upon us, I was turning uneasy at not hearing the attack begin, when to my great astonishment Major Lewis came up and told me "that it was impossible to do any thing, that the night was dark, that the road was bad, worse than anything I had ever seen, that there were logs of wood across it, that there were fences to pass, that the troops had fallen into confusion and that it was a mercy they had not fired upon one another, that they had made so much noise he was sure they must be discovered and that it was impossible for the men to find their way back through those woods." These were really the words he made use of; this behaviour in an officer was new to me; his conduct in overturning a long projected scheme and in disobeying such positive orders was so unaccountable that I could not speak to him with common patience, so that I just made answer to his last words, that the men according to the orders that had been given would have found their way back to the drums when the retreat beat. So I left him and went as fast as I could to Lieutenant McKenzie and Mr. Fisher to see what the matter was and to give directions for the attack if the thing was practicable. I found the troops in the greatest confusion I ever saw men in, which in truth was not surprising, for the Major had [67] brought them back from the plain when he returned himself and everybody then took a road of their own. I found it was impossible to think of forming them for an attack, and the morning was too far advanced to send for the other troops from the other places where they were posted; thus I was reduced, after all my hopes of success, to this melancholy situation. That something at least might be attempted, I sent Lieutenants Robinson and McDonald with fifty men, to make an attack at a place where two or three fires had been seen the night before. I desired them to kill a dozen of Indians if possible, and I would be satisfied. They went directly to the place they were ordered, and finding none of the Indians they set fire to the house, but it was day-light before they could return. I mention this last circumstance that it might appear clearly to you, it was not in my power to send a greater number. The surprise was complete, the governor knew nothing of us or our march, and in all probability the enterprise must have succeeded against the camp as well as against the Indians if the attempt had been made. So favorable an opportunity, I dare say, never was lost.

The difficulties which Major Lewis had represented to me to be insurmountable, appeared to me, as they certainly were, absolutely imaginary. I marched above twelve miles that night, with an advanced guard and flanking parties before it without the least confusion. The Major had not a mile to march to the fort, and above two-thirds of that was in an open plain, and I can safely declare that there is no part of the road in getting into the plain worse than what I had passed without any great difficulty in coming up the hill. I made no secret to the people who were then about me that I was so much dissatisfied with the Major's conduct that I was determined to carry him back to camp in arrest, that he might answer to you for his behaviour. Several officers [68] heard me say so. Mr. Bentinck, if he escaped, has no doubt informed you that such was my intention. However, I did not think it advisable to take any step of that kind till we were out of reach of the enemy. I therefore sent Major Lewis the 14th, at break of day, with the Americans and Virginians to reinforce Captain Bullet, whom I had left with about fifty men as a guard upon our horses and provisions within two miles of the fort, directly upon the road by which we were to return to our camp. I was afraid the enemy might possibly send a detachment that way to take possession of some passes to harass us in our march or perhaps to endeavor to cut us off in case we were forced to make a retreat, and I directed the Major to place these troops in ambuscade that he might have all the advantage possible of any party that could be sent out. About 7 in the morning, after the fog was gone and the day cleared up, it was found impossible to take a plan of the fort from the height where the troops were posted, and as Colonel Bouquet and I had settled that a plan should be taken "a la barke de la Garrise" in case an attempt did not succeed in the night.

I sent Mr. Rhor with Captain McDonald and a hundred men to take the place, with directions not to expose himself or the troops. About the same time, being informed that some of the enemy Indians had discovered Captain McKinzie, who was posted upon the left, almost facing the Monongehela, in order to put on a good countenance and to convince our men they had no reason to be afraid, I gave directions to our drums to beat the Reveille. The troops were in an advantageous post, and I must own I thought we had nothing to fear. In about half an hour after, the enemy came from the fort in different parties without much order, and getting behind trees, they advanced briskly and attacked our left, where there were 250 men. Captain McDonald and Lieutenant Campbell were soon killed, Lieutenant McDonald was [69] wounded at the same time, and our people being overpowered gave way where those officers had been killed. I did all in my power to keep things in order, but to no purpose; the 100 Pennsylvanians who were posted upon the right at the greatest distance from the enemy, went off without orders, without firing a shot; in short, in less than half an hour all was in confusion, and as soon as that happened we were fired upon from every quarter.

I endeavored to rally the troops upon every rising ground, and I did all in my power in that melancholy situation to make the best retreat I could. I sent an officer to Major Lewis to make the best disposition he could with the Americans and Virginians till I could come up, and I was in hopes to be able to make a stand there and at least to make a tolerable retreat. Unfortunately, upon hearing the firing the Major thought the best thing that could be done was to march to our assistance, unluckily they did not take the same road by which I marched the night before and by which they had passed that morning, and as I retired the same way I had advanced, I never saw them when I found Captain Bullet and his fifty men alone. I could not help saying to him that I was undone. However, though there was little or rather no hopes left, I was resolved to do the best I could, and whenever I could get any body to stay with me made a stand, sometimes with 100 and sometimes with 50, just as the men thought proper, for orders were to no purpose. Fear had then got the better of every other passion, and I hope I shall never see again such a pannick among troops—till then I had no conception of it.

At last, inclining to the left with about fifty men, where I was told a number of the Americans and Highlanders had gone, my party diminished insensibly, every soldier taking the road he liked best, and I found myself with not above a dozen of men and an officer of the Pennsylvanians who had [70] been left with Captain Bullet. Surrounded on all sides by the Indians, and when I expected every instant to be cut to pieces, without a possibility of escaping, a body of the French with a number of their officers came up and offered me quarters, which I accepted of. I was then within a short league of the fort; it was then about 11 o'clock, and, as far as I can judge, about that time the French troops were called back and the pursuit ended. What our loss is, you best know, but it must be considerable. Captains McDonald and Munroe, Lieutenants Alex. McKenzie, Collin Campbell and Wm. McKenzie, Lieutenants Rider and Ensign Jenkins and Wollar are prisoners. Ensign J. McDonald is prisoner with the Indians; from what I hear they have got two other officers, whose names or corps I know not. Mr. Rhor and the officer who conducted the Indians were killed. Major Lewis and Captain McKenzie are prisoners. I am not certain that Lieutenant McKenzie was killed, but I have seen his commission, which makes it very probable. I spoke to Lieutenant McDonald, Senior, after he was wounded, and I think he could hardly make his escape. I wish I may be mistaken. This is the best account I can give you of our unlucky affair. I endeavoured to execute the orders which I had received to the best of my power; as I have been unfortunate, the world may possibly find fault in my conduct. I flatter myself that you will not. I may have committed mistakes without knowing them, but if I was sensible of them I most certainly should tell you in what I thought I had done wrong. I am willing to flatter myself that my being a prisoner will be no detriment to my promotion in case vacancies should happen in the army, and it is to be hoped that the proper steps will be taken to get me exchanged as soon as possible.

I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant.

[71] P. S.—As Major Lewis is prisoner, I thought it was right to read to him that part of this letter which particularly concerns him. He says when he came back to speak to me, that he gave no orders for the troops to retire from the plain. That Captain Saunder, who was the next officer to him, can best account for that step; for they did retire, and I took it for granted that it was by the Major's orders, till he assured me of the contrary. Mr. Jenkins, of the Americans, is a pretty young lad, and has spirit. He is the oldest ensign, and is much afraid that being a prisoner will be a detriment to his promotion. He begs that I may mention him to you, and I could not think of refusing him.

* * * * * *

[British Museum.—Bouquet Papers.]


(No Endorsement or Address.)

RAESTOWN, September 23, 1758.

Sir:—Your letter of the 17th, from Loyal Hanning, I read with no less surprise than real concern, as indeed I could not well believe that such an attempt would have been carried into execution without my previous knowledge and concurrence, as you well know my opinion, and dread of the consequences of running any risque of the troops meeting with the smallest check. As well as my fears of alienating and altering the disposition of the Indians, at this critical time, who (tho' fickle and wavering), yet were seemingly well disposed to embrace our alliance and protection. But I need not recapitulate to you my many good reasons against any attempt of this kind being made at this time; nor repeat to you how happy your assurances made me, of all my orders and directions having been (and would be) complyed with. [72] For which I rested secure, and plumed myself in our good fortune, in having the head of our army advanced, as it were, to the beard of the enemy, and secured in a good post well guarded and cautioned against surprise. Our roads almost completed; our provisions all upon wheels, and all this without any loss on our side, and our small army all ready to join and act in a collected body whenever we pleased to attack the enemy, or that any favourable opportunity presented itself to us.

Thus the breaking in upon—not to say disappointments of—our hitherto so fair and flattering hopes of success touches most sensibly. How far we shall find the bad effects of it, I shall not pretend to say. At present I shall suspend judging, altho' I have languished for the officer you promised to send me down—whom I have expected hourly—and a letter from you of your present situation, with the state of the posts, and the strength at them, that the escorts may be proportioned. I acquainted you of the state of our provisions, and the hopes I have of being immediately supplied with 1,000 barrels of pork and at least 1,200 barrels of flour, all of which, by this time, is actually upon its march, and will arrive here daily. So, I shall forward it as fast as I can, altho' large convoys and escorts are very inconvenient. The description of the roads is so various and disagreeable that I do not know what to think or say. Lieutenant Evans came down here the other day, and described the Laurell Hill as, at present, impracticable, but said he could mend it with the assistance of 500 men, fascines and fagots, in one day's time.

Col. Stephens writes Col. Washington that he is told by everybody that the road from Loyal Hannon to the Ohio and the French fort is now impracticable. For what reason, or why, he writes thus I do not know; but I see Col. Washington and my friend, Col. Byrd, would rather be glad this was true [73] than otherways, seeing the other road (their favourite scheme) was not followed out. I told them plainly that, whatever they thought, yet I did aver that, in our prosecuting the present road, we had proceeded from the best intelligence that could be got for the good and convenience of the army, without any views to oblige any one province or another; and added that those two gentlemen were the only people that I had met with who had shewed their weakness in their attachment to the province they belong to, by declaring so publickly in favour of one road without their knowing anything of the other, having never heard from any Pennsylvania person one word about the road; and that, as for myself, I could safely say—and believed I might answer for you—that the good of the service was the only view we had at heart, not valuing the provincial interest, jealousys, or suspicions, one single two-pence; and that, therefore, I could not believe Col. Stephen's descriptions untill I had heard from you, which I hope you will very soon be able to disprove.

I fancy what I said more on this subject will cure them from coming upon this topic again. However, I beg you will cause look into the Laurell Hill, and let it be set to rights as fast as possible; and let all the different posts, and the different convoys and escorts, as they pass along, repair the bad steps, and keep the roads already made in constant order.

I have sent Mr. Basset back the length of Fort Loudoun, in order to divide the troops from thence to Juniata, in small partys, all along that road, who are to set it all to rights, and keep it so; and as the partys are all encamped within five or six miles one of another, they serve as escorts to the provisions and forage that is coming up, at the same time. I am extreamly sorry for your loss of De Rhorr; nor can I well conceive what I had to do there. Mr. Gordon, who, it seems, had the direction of the works here, left this without leaving [74] the plan or sketch of this place or environs, or leaving any directions, as far as I can yet learn, either with the people employed to carry the general plan into execution, or how that they were further to proceed; and, notwithstanding the multiplicity of working-tools, I am at a loss to find a sufficient number for helping the roads and clearing the stumps or other impediments about the camp; nor can I well imagine what is become of all the rest.

There are two wounded Highland officers just now arriv'd, who give so lame an account of how matters proceeded, or any kind of description of the ground, that one can draw nothing from them—only that my friend Grant had most certainly lost the tra mon táne, and, by his thirst of fame, brought on his own perdition, and run a great risque of ours, which was far wide of the promises he made me at Carlisle, when soliciting to command a party, which I would not agree to; and, very contrary to his criticisms upon Gen. Abercromby's late affair, has unhappily fallen into the individual same error, by his inconsiderate and rash proceeding.

I understand by these officers that you have withdrawn the troops from your advanced post, which I attribute to its being too small for what you intended it, or that it did not answer the strength that you at first described it to me. I shall be glad to hear all your people are in spirits, and keep so, and that Loyall Hannon will be soon past any insult without cannon. I shall be soon afraid to crowd you with provisions, nor would I wish to crowd the troops any faster up, untill our magazines are thoroughly formed, if you have enough of troops for your own defence and compleating the roads; and I see the absolute necessity there is for my stay here some days, in order to carry on the transport of provisions and forage, which, without my constant attention, would fail directly. The road forward to the Ohio must be reconnoitered again [75] in order to be sure of our further progress, for it would grieve me sadly that Mr. Washington or Mr. Byrd should have any reason to find fault with that, which without their knowledge they have so publickly exclaimed against. When you have settled things to your mind, I beg you will write me, and as soon as you conveniently can, come down, were it only for a day, and if Colonel Armstrong could be spared, should be glad he came along, in order to settle our further proceedings, and to seize the first favourable opportunity of marching directly forwards. The artillery that is left here I would march in two divisions to prevent a long train of waggons, and the tearing up the roads. The Congress at Eastown had the most favourable appearance, as there was 500 Indians already come in, but what they will now do, God knows. Pray make up a hovell or hutt for me at L. Hannon or any other of the posts with a fire place if possible. Sir John St. Clair says that if I say he was in the wrong to Colonel Stevens, he will readily acknowledge it. I do not choose meddling, but I think Colonel Stevens might act, and trust to Sir John's acknowledgment.

I am, dear sir,
Your most obedient servant,

* * * * * *

[British Museum.—Bouquet Papers.]


LOYAL HANNA, Sept. 17, 1758.

Camp at Loyal Hanna, Sept. 17, 1758.

Sir:—In the situation in which you are, sick, etc., it is with double regret, that I must inform you of the misfortune [76] which has happened to Major Grant, who after a long engagement has been defeated on the 14th current.

I do not make any apology for the part which I took in this affair. I leave the detail of facts to condemn or justify me.

The day on which I arrived at the camp, which was the 7th, it was reported to me that we were surrounded by parties of Indians, several soldiers having been scalped, or made prisoners.

Being obliged to have our cattle and our horses in the woods, our people could not guard or search for them, without being continually liable to fall into the hands of the enemy.

Lieutenant Col. Dagworthy and our Indians not having yet arrived, I ordered two companies each of a hundred men to occupy the path ways and try to cut off the enemies in their ambush and release our prisoners. These detachments being ready to march, Major Grant drew me aside and said that he was surprised that I took this method, after so many proofs that these little parties never did anything, and served to lose our men and discourage our people; but if I would give him five hundred men, he would go to the fort, reconnoitre the roads and the forces of the enemy, which according to all our reports does not exceed six hundred French and Indians, that this was confirmed by a party which had entered the town, and that whatever detachments they could make, they could not send out more than they have, and that by erecting an ambuscade he could take prisoners.

I made some objection to letting him go, but he insisted, and influenced by his reasons and the situation in which we found ourselves I consented and countermanded the two parties who were under arms. Having sent for Col. Burd and Major Lewis (Lieut. Col. Stephen being under arrest I told his Major to inform him of the affair), I informed these [77] gentlemen of the proposition made by Major Grant to procure for us sure intelligence which would give us some advantage over the Indians, who insulted us every day with impunity, and that this would be the way to cure our men of the fear which they had of them. Those who had escaped from their attacks had thrown down their arms that they might fly faster.

I begged them to give me their opinion upon a project of which I had several times spoken to Major Grant at Rays-town, which was to attack during the night the Indians who camped around the Fort in huts, and that the disposition could be made thus: Lieutenant-Colonel Dagworthy (who should arrive this evening or to-morrow with the Indians) should march with 900 men to the post, which was known to be 10 miles distant, there construct an entrenchment and remain with 200 men. The Major should march with 300 Highlanders, 100 R. A., 150 Virginians, 100 Marylanders and 100 Pennsyia, and all the Indians to the neighborhood of the fort, regulating their march so as to be five miles from the fort in the evening, with the precautions necessary to prevent a surprise; and from there he would send the Indians and such of the officers as knew the environs of the place to reconnoitre, and if he found by the appearance of the enemy that he had not been discovered, he would advance on the hill, half a mile from the fort, when he would reconnoitre himself the fires of the Indians and make his arrangements accordingly. In case he saw them around their fires, he should send parties of his detachment with white shirts over their clothes to attack them soon after midnight, the bayonets on the guns and only fire in extremity, it not being difficult to surprise them, as they do not keep sentinels. This coup, made or missed, he should beat a retreat to the height, where they should stop with the rest of the troops and the [78] Indians, and as, soon as his people, directed by the sound, should have joined him, he should immediately retire six miles from the fort before day, and there form an ambuscade of all his men and the Indians, in case the enemy should follow, leaving a small company round the post to observe their movements and inform him of them. If he should conquer them at the ambuscade he could then return safely to the fort to take a plan of it and reconnoitre the environs. But if by his spies or himself he finds that he was discovered, he should only think of retiring. This is the plan that was proposed, and to execute it preparations were made the next day.

On the 9th he departed, and I joined him on the 10th at the post, where Lieutenant-Colonel Dagworthy should have stopped. I remained here all night, and saw him depart on the 11th with his detachment in good order. This post being nearly ready for defence, I returned to the camp. Instead of this plan, which did not compel him to fight, or which gave him in that case every advantage of disposition, and choice of ground with all his troops together, here is what he appears to have done: Having arrived at the height only one fire was seen, but Ensign Chew, who had reconnoitered, said that all the Indians lay in the block houses, which were easy to force. He sent there Major Lewis with 400 men; some confusion being among the troops he feared he had been discovered and returned to join Major Grant, who sent there at once two companies of Highlanders. They visited the block houses, and found no one. They put out the fire and returned. The Major, according to his orders, should have retired, but unfortunately he thought that the garrison was too weak to dare risk a sortie, and in consequence he remained on the height untill morning. He then beat the reveille in different places, and ordered Major Lewis [79] to place himself in ambuscade with the baggage and 100 R. A., 150 Virginians, 200 Highlanders, 100 ‘Maryl' and 100 Penns. were placed on the heights, and he sent Captain McDonald with 100 Highlanders, drums beating, straight to the fort. Some one had seen a party leave the garrison as though they would cut off the retreat. Hardly had McDonald gone half the distance, when he heard the whoop of the Indians, followed immediately by a sortie of nearly 300 French and Indians, who fell upon them. He killed so many of these people at his first fire that they turned aside and surrounded him. He pierced through them, where he was killed. The companies of Monro and McKenzie, who descended to their assistance, were put in disorder and the Captin killed. As the enemy continually received reinforcements, all the troops were soon engaged, and the fire sustained a long time after our men yielded. Major Lewis, who was distant about two miles, heard the firing, urged by his officers and the soldiers, quit his post to go to their assistance. He arrived just at the moment our men retired in disorder towards his post. He had gained a height which had put his men out of breath, and, stopping, they found themselves under fire of the enemy. The action was, nevertheless, still very lively and for a long time disputed. At last our men yielded, and there remained only a scene of confusion, notwithstanding all the efforts of Major Grant to rally them. They would have been cut to pieces probably had not Captain Bullet of the Virginians, with 100 men, sustained the combat with all their power, until, having lost two-thirds of his men, he was driven to the shore of the river, where he found the poor Major. He urged him to retire, but he said he would not quit the field of battle as long as there was a man who would fight. My heart is broke (said he) I shall never outlive this day. They were soon surrounded, and the Frenchmen, [80] calling him by his name, offered quarter. He would not accept it. They would not fire on him, wishing to take him prisoner. Captain Bullet continued firing. At last they also fired and drove his party into the Ohio, where a great number were drowned. Bullet escaped, but I have no news of the Major.

At the first news of his misfortune I sent Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen with 300 men to join Lieutenant-Colonel Dagworthy to cover their retreat. The Indians did not pursue them far. Our post misses some officers and it lacks yet 270 men. Many have crossed the river, and it is thought many will escape. Our Catawbas did not fire and the Tuscararas and Nottaways did very well.

It appears from the testimony of the Indians and of our men that the French have lost many men, mostly Indians. The French did not try to kill but to make prisoners, and it seems for the first time they shewed humanity, which makes me hope that the Major and several others of the officers whom we miss are saved.

I have written to Colonel Washington to march to Rays Town, leaving 100 men at Cumberland, until the arrival of the militia of Maryland. This reinforcement is necessary to secure to our convoys communication. Contrary to my expectations the troops do not appear depressed by this check, and if all was ready elsewhere, they would be more ready than ever to go to the front. Reports of an action in the woods are so confused that I cannot render you an exact account of what happened there, but I will send to you an officer as soon as I know what is best to do. Many of the arms are broken, some lost. We must have others to replace them. We are assured that the Delawares and the Shawnees were against us, and among the men taken and scalped around the camp is a German who came, it is said, from Ohio, and who, I suppose, [81] was sent by the Governor of Pennsylvania. The enemy had received a considerable reinforcement the evening of the action. The account of their number varies from 3000 to 1200. There was discovered on the island a camp with more than 100 tents. For the state of the roads and the fort I refer you to the report which the officer will deliver to you. The post is much more considerable than we had thought and many new works have been added. We have not seen an Indian for eight days, we think that after this success it will be difficult for the French to keep them. I will send a letter to the Governor to make known the fate of those who are missing.

The Provincials appear to have done well and their good men are better in this war than the regular troops.

I will not add any reflections on this affair, they are too unpleasant. If the French wish to attack us in their turn, we will be in two days ready to receive them, being all reunited at this post.

I have the honor, to be, Sir,
Your very obedt. servant,

* * * * * *

[British Museum.—Bouquet Papers.]


(On his Majesty's Service.)

CAMP AT LOYAL HANNON, October 12, 1758.

To Col. Bouquet at Stoney Creek on the Laurell Hill:

Dear Sir:—I had the pleasure to receive your favours of this date this evening at 7 P.M. I shall be glad to see you. I send you, through Lieut.-Coll. Lloyd (who marches to you with 200 men), the 100 falling axes, etc., you desire.

[82] This day, at 11 A.M., the enemy fired twelve guns to the southwest of us, upon which I sent out two partys to surround them; but instantly the firing increased, upon which I sent out a larger party of 500 men. They were forced to the camp, and immediately a regular attack ensued, which lasted a long time; I think about two hours. But we had the pleasure to do that honour to his majesty's arms, to keep his camp at Loyal Hannon. I can't inform you of our loss, nor that of the enemy. Must refer you for the particulars to Lieut.-Col. Lloyd. One of their soldiers, which we have mortally wounded, says they were 1200 strong and 200 Indians, but I can ascertain nothing of this further. I have drove them off the field; but I don't doubt of a second attack. If they do I am ready.

Being most sincerely,
My dear sir,
Your most sincere friend and
Obe't humble serv't,

[Since writing we have been fired upon.)


* * * * * *

[British Museum.—Bouquet Papers.]

[The address torn away all but the word "Rays Town."]

RAYS DUDGEON, October 13, 1758, 10 P.M.

Sir:—After having written to you this morning, I went to reconnoitre Laurell Hill, with a party of eighty men, some firing of guns around us made me suspect that it was the signal of an enemy's party. I sent to find out, and one of our party having perceived the Indians, fired on them. We continued our march and have found a very good road for ascending [83] the mountain, although very stony in two places. The old road is absolutely impracticable.

I have had this afternoon a second letter from Colonel Burd. The enemies have been all night around the entrenchements, and have made several false attacks. The cannon and the cohortes (Troop of 500 fort soldiers.) have held them in awe, and until the Colonel had sent to reconnoitre the environs, he was not sure that they had retired. At this moment is heard from the mountains several cannon shots which makes me judge that the enemies have not yet abandoned the party, and at all events I am going to attempt to re-enter this post before day. The 200 men which Colonel Burd sent to me, have eaten nothing for two days. I received this moment provisions from Stoney Creek and will depart in two hours.

I have not got any report of our loss, two officers from Maryland have been killed, and one wounded. Duncannon of Virginia mortally wounded, also one officer of the first Battalion of Pennsylvania, and nearly fifty men.

The loss of the enemy must be considerable to judge by the reports of our men and the fire which they have clearly wasted. Without this cursed rain we would have arrived in time with the artillery and 200 men, and I believe it would have made a difference.

As soon as it is possible, I will send you word how we are. Be at rest about the post. I have left it in a state to defend itself against all attacks without cannon, and I learn that they have finished all that remains to be done.

I am with entire devotion, Sir,
Your very humble and very obedient servant,


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