Military: History: Part 1 - DEFENCE OF THE FRONTIERS: Pennsylvania Archives, Series Two, Volume IV.
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____________________________________________________________
Papers Relating to the
DEFENCE OF THE FRONTIERS.
1790 - 1796.
Pennsylvania Archives, Series Two, Volume IV.
Pages 525-652.
* * * * * *
[527] RESOLUTIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA, IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
TUESDAY, February 23, 1790?A. M.
A motion was made by Mr. Ryerson, seconded by Mr. Allison, and
adopted as follows, viz:
WHEREAS, It hath been represented to this House from good
authority, that the Indians have in every year for many years
past, harrassed and distressed the inhabitants on the Western
frontiers of this State, and are likely to continue so to do
unless some provision is made against their future murders and
depredations:
And whereas, This Commonwealth is desirous of procuring
protection and safety for all its citizens, inasmuch as the
peace, welfare and happiness of the State depend thereon;
Resolved, That this House hereby recommend to the Supreme
Executive Council, to make application to the President and
Congress of the United States, respecting a protection for the
inhabitants of the Western frontiers of this State against the
future hostile incursions of the Indians, and that this
resolution be transmitted to Council that they may take
immediate measures thereon.
Extract from the Minutes.
PETER Z. LLOYD, Clerk of the General Assembly.
STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA, IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
SATURDAY, March 6th, 1790?A. M.
On motion of Mr. Ryerson, seconded by Mr. Rawle,
Resolved, That the resolution which passed the Assembly on the
twenty-third day of February last, on the subject of a defence
for the Western frontiers of this State be and the same is
hereby rescinded.
Extract from the Minutes,
PETER ZACHARY LLOYD, Clerk of the General Assembly.
INDIAN CONFERENCE AT PHILADELPHIA.
The speech of the Cornplanter, Half-Town and the Great-Tree,
Chiefs and Councillors of the Seneca Nation, to the Great
Councillor of the Thirteen Fires.
FATHER:?The voice of the Seneca nations speaks to you, the great
councillor, in whose heart the wise men of all the Thirteen
[528] Fires have placed their wisdom. It may be very small in
your ears, and we therefore entreat you to hearken with
attention, for we are about to speak of things, which are to us,
very great. When your army entered the country of the Six
Nations, we called you the Town Destroyer; and to this day, when
that name is heard, our women look behind them and turn pale,
and our children cling close to the necks of their mothers. Our
councillors and warriors are men, and cannot be afraid; but
their hearts are grieved with the fears of our women and
children, and desire that it may be buried so deep as to be
heard no more. When you gave us peace, we called you father,
because you promised to secure us in the possession of our
lands. Do this, and so long as the lands shall remain, that
beloved name will live in the heart of every Seneca.
Father: We mean to open our hearts before you, and we earnestly
desire that you will let us clearly understand what you resolve
to do. When our chiefs returned from the treaty at Fort Stanwix,
and laid before our council what had been done there, our nation
was surprised to hear how great a country you had compelled them
to give up to you, without your paying to us anything for it.
Every one said that your hearts were yet swelled with resentment
against us for what had happened during the war, but that one
day you would reconsider it with more kindness. We asked each
other, What have we done to deserve such severe chastisement?
Father: When you kindled your thirteen fires separately, the
wise men that assembled at them told us, that you were all
brothers, the children of one great father, who regarded, also,
the red people as his children. They called us brothers and
invited us to his protection; they told us that he resided
beyond the great water, where the sun first rises; that he was a
King whose power no people could resist, and that his goodness
was bright as that sun. What they said went to our hearts; we
accepted the invitation and promised to obey him. What the
Seneca nation promised, they faithfully perform; and when you
refused obedience to that King, he commanded us to assist his
beloved men in making you sober. In obeying him, we did no more
than yourselves had led us to promise. The men who claimed this
promise, told us that you were children and had no guns; that
when they had shaken you, you would submit. We hearkened to
them, and were deceived, until your army approached our towns.
We were deceived; but your people, in teaching us to confide in
that King, had helped to deceive us, and we now appeal to your
heart?Is the blame all ours.
Father: When we saw that we were deceived, and heard the
invitation which you gave us to draw near to the fire which you
[529] kindled, and talk with you concerning peace, we made haste
toward it. You then told us that we were in your hand and that
by closing it you could crush us to nothing, and you demanded
from us a great country, as the price of that peace which you
had offered us; as if our want of strength had destroyed our
rights. Our chiefs had felt your power, and were unable to
contend against you, and they therefore gave up that country.
What they agreed to, has bound our nation, but your anger
against us must by this time be cooled; and although our
strength has not increased nor your power become less, we ask
you to consider calmly?Were the terms dictated to us by your
Commissioners reasonable and just?
Father: Your commissioners when they drew the line which
separated the land then given up to you from that which you
agreed should remain to be ours, did most solemnly promise, that
we should be secured in the peaceable possession of the lands
which we inhabited east and north of that line. Does this
promise bind you? Hear now, we entreat you, what has since
happened concerning that land. On the day in which we finished
the treaty at Fort Stanwix, commissioners from Pennsylvania told
our chiefs that they had come there to purchase from us all the
lands belonging to us within the lines of their State, and they
told us that their line would strike the river Susquehanna below
Tioga branch. They then left us to consider of the bargain till
the next day; on the next day we let them know that we were
unwilling to sell all the lands within their State, and proposed
to let them have a part of it, which we pointed out to them in
their map. They told us that they must have the whole; that it
was already ceded to them by the great king at the time of
making peace with you, and was their own; but they said that
they would not take advantage of that, and were willing to pay
us for it after the manner of their ancestors. Our chiefs were
unable to contend at that time, and therefore they sold the
lands up to the line which was then shewn to them as the line of
that State. What the commissioners had said about the land
having been ceded to them at the peace, our chiefs considered as
intended only to lessen the price, and they passed it by with
very little notice; but, since that time we have heard so much
from others about the right to our lands, which the king gave
when you made peace with him, that it is our earnest desire that
you will tell us what it means.
Father: Our nation empowered John Livingston to let out part of
our lands on rent, to be paid to us. He told us that he was sent
by Congress to do this for us, and we fear he has deceived us in
the writing he obtained from us: for, since the time of our
giving that power, a man of the name of Phelps, has come [530]
among us and claimed our whole country, northward of the line of
Pennsylvania, under purchase from that Livingston, to whom he
said he had paid twenty thousand dollars for it. He said also
that he had bought likewise from the council of the Thirteen
Fires, and paid them twenty thousand dollars more for the same.
And he said also, that it did not belong to us, for that the
great king had ceded the whole of it when you made peace with
him. Thus he claimed the whole country north of Pennsylvania,
and west of the lands belonging to the Cayugas. He demanded it;
he insisted on his demand, and declared that he would have it
all. It was impossible for us to grant him this, and we
immediately refused it. After some days he proposed to run a
line at a small distance eastward of our western boundary, which
we also refused to agree to. He then threatened us with
immediate war if we did not comply. Upon this threat our chiefs
held a council, and they agreed that no event of war could be
worse than to be driven, with their wives and children, from the
only country which we had any right to; and therefore, weak as
our nation was, they determine to take the chance of war, rather
than submit to such unjust demands, which seemed to have no
bounds. Street, the great trader of Niagara, was then with us,
having come at the request of Phelps, and as he always professed
to be our great friend, we consulted him on this subject. He
also told us that our lands had been ceded by the king, and that
we must give them up. Astonished at what we heard from every
quarter, with hearts aching with compassion for our women and
children, we were thus compelled to give up all our country
north of the line of Pennsylvania and east of the Genesee river,
up to the fork, and east of the south line drawn from that fork
to the Pennsylvania line. For his land Phelps agreed to pay us
ten thousand dollars in hand, and one thousand dollars a year
for ever. He paid us two thousand and five hundred dollars in
hand, part of the ten thousand and he sent for us to come last
spring to receive our money; but instead of paying us the
remainder of the ten thousand dollars, and the one thousand
dollars due for the first year, he offered us no more than five
hundred dollars, and insisted that he had agreed with us for
that sum to be paid yearly. We debated with him for six days,
during all which time he persisted in refusing to pay us our
just demand, and he insisted that we should receive the five
hundred dollars; and Street, from Niagara, also insisted on our
receiving the money as it was offered to us. The last reason he
assigned for continuing to refuse paying to us was. that the
King had ceded the lands to the Thirteen Fires, and that he had
bought them from you, and paid you for them.
[531] We could bear this confusion no longer, and determined to
press through every difficulty, and lift up our voice that you
might hear us, and to claim that security in the possession of
our lands which your commissioners so solemnly promised us. And
we now entreat you to inquire into our complaints and redress
our wrongs.
Father: Our writings were lodged in the hands of Street, of
Niagara, as we supposed him to be our friend; but when we saw
Phelps consulting with Street on every occasion, we doubted his
honesty towards us, and we have since heard that he was to
receive for his endeavors to deceive us, a piece of land ten
miles in width, west of the Genesee river, and near forty miles
in length, extending to lake Ontario; and the lines of this
tract have been run accordingly, although no part of it is
within the bounds which limit his purchase. No doubt he meant to
deceive us.
Father: You have said that we are in your hand, and that by
closing, it you could crush us to nothing. Are you determined to
crush us? If you are, tell us so, that those of our nation who
have become your children, and have determined to die so, may
know what to do. In this case, one chief has said he would ask
you to put him out of pain; another, who will not think of dying
by the hand of his father or of his brother, has said he will
retire to the Chateaugay, eat of the fatal root, and sleep with
his fathers in peace. Before you determine on a measure so
unjust, look up to God, who made us as well as you. We hope he
will not permit you to destroy the whole of our nation.
Father: Hear our case; many nations inhabited this country, but
they had no wisdom, and therefore, they warred together. The Six
Nations were powerful, and compelled them to peace. The lands,
for a great extent, were given up to them; but the nations which
were not destroyed, all continued on those lands, and claimed
the protection of the Six Nations, as the brothers of their
fathers. They were men, and when at peace, they had a right to
live upon the earth. The French came among us and built Niagara;
they became our fathers and took care of us. Sir William Johnson
came and took that fort from the French; he became our father,
and promised to take care of us, and did so, until you were too
strong for his king. To him we gave four miles around Niagara as
a place of trade. We have already said how we came to join
against you; we saw that we were wrong; we wished for peace; you
demanded a great country to be given up to you; it was
surrendered to you as the price of peace, and we ought to have
peace and possession of the little land which you then left us.
[532] Father: When that great country was given up there were
but few chiefs present, and they were compelled to give it up,
and it is not the Six Nations only that reproach those chiefs
with having given up that country. The Chippewas, and all the
nations who lived on those lands westward, call to us and ask
us: Brothers of our fathers, where is the place which you have
reserved for us to lie down upon?
Father: You have compelled us to do that which has made us
ashamed. We have nothing to answer to the children of the
brothers of our fathers. When, last spring, they called upon us
to go to war, to secure them a bed to lie upon, the Senecas
entreated them to be quiet, until we had spoken to you. But on
our way down, we heard that your army had gone toward the
country which those nations inhabit, and if they meet together,
the best blood on both sides will stain the ground.
Father: We will not conceal from you, that the great God, and
not men, has preserved the Cornplanter from the hands of his own
nation. For they ask continually, where is the land which our
children, and their children after them, are to lie down upon?
You told us, say they, the line drawn from Pennsylvania to lake
Ontario, would mark it forever on the east, and the line running
from Beaver creek to Pennsylvania, would mark it on the west,
and we see it is not so; for first one and then another came and
take it away by order of that people which you tell us promised
to secure it to us. He is silent, for he has nothing to answer.
When the sun goes down he opens his heart before God,and earlier
than that sun appears again upon the hills; he gives thanks for
his protection during the night, for he feels that among men,
become desperate by their danger, it is God only that can
preserve him. He loves peace, and all that he had in store he
has given to those who have been robbed by your people, lest
they should plunder the innocent to repay themselves. The whole
season which others have employed in providing for their
families he has spent in his endeavours to preserve peace; and
at this moment his wife and children are lying on the ground and
in want of food; his heart is in pain for them, but he perceives
that the great God will try his firmness in doing what is right.
Father: The grain which the Great Spirit sent into our country
for us to eat, is going from among us. We thought he intended
that we should till the ground with the plough, as the white
people do, and we talked to one another about it. But before we
speak to you concerning this, we must know from you whether you
mean to leave us and our children any land to till? speak
plainly to us concerning this great business. All the lands we
have been speaking of belonged to the Six Nations; no part of it
ever belonged to the king of England, and he could [533] not
give it to you. The land we live on our fathers received from
God, and they transmitted to us, for our children, and we cannot
part with it.
Father: We told you that we would open our hearts to you. Hear
us once more.
At Fort Stanwix we agreed to deliver up those of our people who
should do you any wrong, that you might try them and punish them
according to your law. We delivered up two men accordingly; but
instead of trying them according to your law, the lowest of your
people took them from your magistrate, and put them immediately
to death. It is just to punish murder with death; but the
Senecas will not deliver up their people to men who disregard
the treaties of their own nation.
Father: Innocent men of our nation are killed one after another,
and of our best families; but none of your people who have
committed the murder have been punished. We recollect that you
did not promise to punish those who killed our people, and we
now ask: Was it intended that your people should kill the
Senecas, and not only remain unpunished by you but be protected
by you against the revenge of the next of kin?
Father: These are to us very great things. We know that you are
very strong, and we have heard that you are wise, and we wait to
hear your answer to what we have said, that we may know that you
are just.
Signed at Philadelphia, the first day of December, 1790.
CORNPLANTER, his X mark,
HALF-TOWN, his X mark.
GREAT-TREE, his X mark.
Present at signing,
JOSEPH NICHOLSON, Interpreter.
T. MATLOCK.
INDIAN CONFERENCE WITH PRESIDENT WASHINGTON.
PHILADELPHIA, 10th January, 1791.
The speech of the Cornplanter, Half-Town, and the Great-Tree,
Chiefs of the Seneca Nation, to the President of the United
States of America.
FATHER:?Your speech written on the great paper is to us like the
first light of the morning to a sick man, whose pulse beats too
strongly in his temples and prevents him from sleep. He sees it,
and rejoices, but he is not cured. You say that you have spoken
plainly on the great point. That you will protect us [534] in
the lands secured to us at Fort Stanwix, and that we have the
right to sell or to refuse to sell it. This is very good, but
our nation complain that you compelled us at that treaty to give
up too much of our lands. We confess that our nation is bound by
what was then done, and acknowledging your power, we have now
appealed to yourselves against that treaty as made while you
were too angry to us, and, therefore, unreasonable and unjust.
To this you have given us no answer.
Father: That treaty was not made with a single State, it was
with the thirteen States. We would never have given all that
land to one State. We know it was before you had the great
authority, and as you have more wisdom than the commissioners
who forced us into that treaty, we expect that you have also
more regard to justice, and will now, at our request reconsider
that treaty and restore to us a part of that land.
Father: The land which lies between the line running south from
lake Erie to the boundary of Pennsylvania as mentioned at the
treaty of Fort Stanwix, and the eastern boundary of the land
which you sold, and the Senecas confirmed to Pennsylvania, is
the land on which Half Town and all his people live with other
chiefs, who always have been, and still are, dissatisfied with
the treaty at Fort Stanwix. They grew out of this land, and
their fathers' fathers grew out of it, and they can not be
persuaded to part with it. We therefore entreat you to restore
to us this little piece.
Father: Look at the land which we gave to you at that treaty,
and then turn your eyes upon what we now ask you to restore to
us, and you will see that what we now ask you to return is a
very little piece. By giving it back again, you will satisfy the
whole of our nation. The chiefs who signed that treaty will be
in safety, and peace between your children and our children will
continue so long as your land shall join to ours. Every man of
our nation will then turn his eyes away from all the other lands
which we then gave up to you and forget that our fathers ever
said that they belonged to them.
Father: We see that you ought to have the path at the carrying
place from lake Erie to Niagara, as it was marked down at Fort
Stanwix, and we are all willing it should remain to be yours.
And if you desire to reserve a passage through the Conewango,
and through the Chatauque lake and land, for a path from that
lake to lake Erie, take it where you best like. Our nation will
rejoice to see it an open path for you and your children, while
the land and water remain. But let us also pass along the same
way, and continue to take the fish of those waters in common
with you.
[535] Father: You say that you will appoint an agent to take
care of us. Let him come and take care of our trade; but we
desire he may not have anything to do with our land; for the
agents which have come amongst us, and pretended to take care of
us, have always deceived us whenever we sold lands; both when
the King of England and when the States have bargained with us.
They have by this means occasioned many wars, and we are
therefore unwilling to trust them again.
Father: When we return home, we will call a great council and
consider well how lands may be hereafter sold by our nation. And
when we have agreed upon it, we will send you notice of it. But
we desire that you will not depend on your agent for information
concerning land; for, after the abuses which we have suffered by
such men, we will not trust them with anything which relates to
land.
Father: We will not hear lies concerning you, and we desire that
you will not hear lies concerning us, and then we shall
certainly live at peace with you.
Father: There are men who go from town to town and beget
children, and leave them to perish, or, except better men take
care of them, to grow up without instruction. Our nation has
long looked around for a father, but they found none that would
own them for children, until you now tell us that your courts
are open to us as to your own people. The joy which we feel at
this great news, so mixes with the sorrows that are passed, that
we cannot express our gladness, nor conceal the remembrance of
our afflictions. We will speak of them at another time.
Father: We are ashamed that we have listened to the lies of
Livingston, or been influenced by threats of war by Phelps, and
would hide that whole transaction from the world, and from
ourselves, by quietly receiving what Phelps promised to give us
for the lands they cheated us of. But as Phelps will not even
pay us according to that fraudulent bargain, we will lay the
whole proceedings before your court. When the evidence which we
can produce is heard, we think it will appear that the whole
bargain was founded on lies, which he placed one upon another;
that the goods which he charges to us as part payment were
plundered from us; that if Phelps was not directly concerned in
the theft, he knew of it at the time, and concealed it from us;
and that the persons we confided in were bribed by him to
deceive us in the bargain. And if these facts appear, that your
court will not say that such bargains are just, but will set the
whole aside.
Father: We apprehend that our evidence might be called for, as
Phelps was here and knew what we have said concerning him; and
as Ebenezer Allen knew something of the matter, we de- [536]
sired him to continue here. Nicholson, the interpreter, is very
sick, and we request that Allen may remain a few days longer, as
he speaks our language.
Father: The blood which was spilled near Pine Creek is covered,
and we shall never look where it lies. We know that Pennsylvania
will satisfy us for that which we spoke of to them before we
spoke to you. The claim of friendship, will now, we hope, be
made strong as you desire it to be. We will hold it fast, and
our end of it shall never rust in our hands.
Father: We told you what advice we gave to the people you are
now at war with, and we now tell you that they have promised to
come again to our towns next spring. We shall not wait for their
coming, but will set out very early and shew to them what you
have done for us, which must convince them that you will do for
them everything which they ought to ask. We think they will hear
and follow our advice.
Father: You give us leave to speak our minds concerning the
tilling of the ground. We ask you to teach us to plough and
grind corn; to assist us in building saw mills, and supply us
with broad axes, saws, augers, and other tools, so as that we
may make our houses more comfortable and more durable; that you
will send smiths among us, and above all, that you will teach
our children to read and write, and our women to spin and to
weave. The manner of your doing these things for us we leave to
you, who understand them; but we assure you that we will follow
your advice as far as we are able.
CORNPLANTER, his X mark.
HALF-TOWN, his X mark.
GREAT-TREE, his X mark.
Present at signing:
JOSEPH NICHOLSON, Interpreter.
T. MATLACK.
JOHN DECKART, his x mark.
JEM. HUDSON, his x mark.
THIRD INDIAN CONFERENCE AT PHILADELPHIA.
The speech of Cornplanter, Half-Town and the Big-Tree, Seneca
Chiefs, to the Great Councillor of the Thirteen Fires.
FATHER:
No Seneca ever goes from the fire of his friend, until he has
said to him, "I am going." We therefore tell you, that we are
now setting out for our own country.
Father: We thank you, from our hearts, that we now know there is
a country we may call our own, and on which we may [537] lie
down in peace. We see that there will be peace between your
children and our children, and our hearts are very glad. We will
persuade the Wyandots and other Western nations, to open their
eyes, and look toward the bed which you have made for us, to ask
of you a bed for themselves and their children, that will not
slide from under them. We thank you for your presents to us, and
rely on your promise to instruct us in raising corn, as the
white people do; the sooner you do this, the better for us. And
we thank you for the care you have taken to prevent bad men
coming to trade among us; if any come without your license, we
will turn them back; and we hope our nation will determine to
spill all the rum which shall, hereafter, be brought to our towns.
Father: We are glad to hear that you determine to appoint an
agent that will do us justice, in taking care that bad men do
not come to trade amongst us; but we earnestly intreat you that
you will let us have an interpreter in whom we can confide, to
reside at Pittsburgh. To that place our people, and other
nations, will long continue to resort; there we must send what
news we hear when we go among the Western nations, which, we are
determined, shall be early in the spring. We know Joseph
Nicholson and he speaks our language so that we clearly
understand what you say to us, and we rely on what he says. If
we were able to pay him for his services, we would do it; but,
when we mean to pay him, by giving him land, it has not been
confirmed to him, and he will not serve us any longer unless you
will pay him. Let him stand between us, we intreat you.
Father: You have not asked any security for peace on our part,
but we have agreed to send nine Seneca boys, to be under your
care for education. Tell us at what time you will receive them,
and they shall be sent at the time you shall appoint. This will
assure you, that we are, indeed, at peace with you, and
determined to continue so. If you can teach them to become wise
and good men, we will take care that our nation shall be willing
to receive instruction from them.
CORN PLANTER, his x mark.
HALF-TOWN, his x mark.
BIG-TREE, his x mark.
Signed at Philadelphia, 7th February, 1791, in presence of
JOSEPH NICHOLSON, Interpreter.
THOMAS PROCTOR,
T. MATLACK.
[538] JAMES MARSHAL TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WASHINGTON, 19th February, 1791.
SIR:?Inclosed is a Return of the Officers elected by the Militia
of the different Districts in this County; it may be that the
elections and Return thereof have been delayed too long, but it
has not been in my power to forward them sooner. The former
Districts being much too large and in many instances very
inconvenient, I was obliged to new model them which delayed the
business considerably. In several instances I have been under
the necessity to order new elections where they were warmly
contested, one of which Returns is not yet come to hand, but
will forward it the first opportunity.
From the fullest evidence of the hostile intentions of the
Indians, I have no doubt but that the service of our Militia
will be necessary the ensuing Summer; our situation on the
frontier at this time is truly alarming; the late Expedition
under the command of Gen'l Harmar has had a very different
effect from what was expected; the Indians appear elated with
their success on that occasion, and are roused by a Spirit of
Resentment. It is evident that nothing prevents their crossing
the Ohio River, but the inclemency of the Season, and the danger
attending their Retreat by the Running of the Ice. They have,
subsequent to the Expedition in the depth of Winter, committed
frequent murders on the west side of the River, and had the
Insolence, after killing a family a few days ago on the bank of
the River, to call to the people on this side to "come over and
bury their dead, that it would be their turn next and that they
would not leave a Smoking Chimney on this side the Alliganey
Mountains." To these facts has been added the testimony of a Mr.
Robbins, an old Indian trader who left St. Duskie on the 10th
day of December last, and who says that the Indians boast of
victory on the late Expedition; that a general Council by the
Different tribes was to be held at the lower St. Duskie the
first of January last, and that a Spirit of War universally
prevailed amongst the Warriors of the different Nations. That so
far as Mr. Robbins had access to their Councils, previous to his
departure, they had agreed to take no more prisoners, but to
kill and destroy all in their power. Mr. Robbins further adds,
that notwithstanding the Troops under Gen'l Harmar had destroyed
a Considerable quantity of Corn at the Maumi town, they are by
no means in want, that they have yet a considerable supply to
enable them to go to War, and that they intend making reprisals
on our Towns and Garrisons as soon as the Season will admit.
[539] I mention the information of Mr. Robbins to show that the
late depredations at Muskingham and other places ought not to be
considered as the effect of that ungovernable Spirit that exist
among Warriors, who from an Insatiable thirst for plunder cannot
even in time of peace be restrained by their leaders, but that
it is the cool and Deliberate resolution of the different
tribes, particularly the Shawnese Nation, to commence a General War.
One trait in Mr. Robbins' Character gives his Testimony
respectability; from an extraordinary goodness of heart, he has
from affluent circumstances become a poor man by frequent
purchases of prisoners from the Indians. There are at this
moment, in this and Ohio County, sundry persons Residing that
were by him purchased and for whom he has actually advanced
Several hundred Dollars, as they themselves acknowledge, and
some of them altho' very willing, are unable to pay him.
From a real sense of Danger the Officers and principal people of
Ohio County, in Virginia, with those of this County, have
addressed the President of the United States on the subject. I
have also thought it my Duty to state to your Excellency our
apprehensions of Danger, that speedy and effectual measures may
be taken, either by the General or State government, for the
protection and safety of our frontier. Offensive War is in my
humble opinion the most eligable; this country at present
abounds with the Necessary supplies for an army. And from the
most perfect confidence in your Disposition to promote the
happiness and safety of every Individual in the State, I rest
assured that the subject will receive that attention from you
which it deserves. I have only to add, that such is our sense of
Danger, that the joint application from this and Ohio County to
the General Government, has been forwarded by express at the
expence of a few Individuals. I could wish that commissions for
the Militia Officers of this County might be sent by the same
person. I have directed him to wait three or four Days for that
purpose.
I have the honor to be,
With the Greatest respect,
Your Excellence's most Obt.
and humble Servant,
JAMES MARSHAL, Lieut. W. Co'y.
P. S.?Since I began to write, have been able to complete the
Return by receiving the one mentioned in the former part of my
letter.
[540] DAVID REDICK TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WASHINGTON, 20th Feb., 1791.
SIR:?It must be the prevailing opinion, from the splendid
accounts given by the governor of the Western territory, and
Gen'l Harmar, of the success of our troops in the late
expedition, that the hostile tribes have got at best a check and
that the frontier people will be in safety. Nothing is further
from the fact. With reluctance, indeed, do I dare to contradict
the opinion founded on such respectable authority; but my
intelligence directly from Sandusky, by a Mr. Robbins of good
character, says that the Indians boast of having obtained a
victory; and this is further supported by the audacity and daily
insolence which the frontiers have, ever since the return of the
army, experienced at the hands of Indians. I believe, sir,
whilst they boast of having found almost two hundred of our men
abandoned and slain, and that not more than thirty of their
people were killed, with eight others which afterwards died of
their wounds, there will be but little ground to conclude that
they have even been checked, much less defeated. They say that
the chief part of the corn which was destroy'd was the property
of the French settlers and Traders, that the price of corn has
not risen in that country on account the campaign, Mr. Robbins
asserts. I have no doubt but that the officers who gave a
contrary information, hoped and believed it well founded; but
facts since procured, with the conduct and determinations of the
savages, leave us no ground to hope anything favorable, but
rather the contrary. From all which has yet been done a large
frontier of this State lies much exposed; the Dunkard creek &
Ten-Mile settlements may be secured by the River Ohio, being
made a line of defence for the people of Virginia; but as their
settlements don't reach so far down the river as to cover these
two tracts of country, we are then immediately vulnerable; up
the river our people are settled on the N. West side of the
river, and who must either fly in on the interior settlements,
or fall an easy prey. An application is dispatched to the Pres't
of the Union for immediate relief, and have ventured to assure
the people here that you, sir, will not be wanting in attention
to the safety of the western country. I am sure it will be
enough that you believe them in danger.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
your Excellency's most ob't Serv.,
DAVID REDICK.
[541] GEN. KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, Feb. 25th, 1791.
SIR:?As a matter of information, I beg leave to submit to your
Excellency the enclosed extract of a paragraph from a letter
from the Secretary of the Western territory of the United States
north-west of the Ohio.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
With great respect, Your Excellency's,
Most obedient humble servant,
H. KNOX, Sec'y of War.
His Excellency, Governor MIFFLIN.
[Extract of a letter from Winthrop Sargent, Esquire, Secretary
of the territory of the United States North-West of the Ohio, to
the Secretary of War; dated Pittsburgh, February the 12th, 1791.]
"It may not be amiss, Sir, to inform you that this little place
which from its situation will at least be a temporary depositary
for stores is almost totally without defence; that the number of
men enrolled in the militia, is about two hundred and fifty, and
not more than one hundred of them armed."
GEN. KNOX TO JAMES MARSHAL.
WAR DEPARTMENT, 3d March, 1791.
GENTLEMEN:?The President of the United States, has received your
Letter of the 19th of last month, stating certain depredations
of the Indians.
And he has commanded me to inform you that the Congress of the
United States, having been deliberating for some time past upon
the means which may effectually protect the Frontiers, have just
concluded thereon.
That he shall take the most vigorous measures to execute the
intentions of Congress. That for this purpose men will be
required to act offensively. That it is to be hoped and
expected, that as soon as the conditions shall be made known,
that the hardy yeomanry of the Frontier Counties will engage
readily and cheerfully, for a short period, to act against the
Indians, [542] and thereby prevent their depopulating the
exposed parts of the frontier counties.
That the Governor of the Western territory, who will immediately
repair to Fort Pitt, or the Commanding Officer of the troops,
will have discretionary power to make all necessary arrangements
for the temporary defensive protection of the frontier counties,
which the occasion may require.
I have the honor to be,
Gentlemen, &c.,
H. KNOX, Sec'y of War.
To James Marshal and others of Washington county, in Pennsylvania.
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[543] GEN. KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, 10th March, 1791.
SIR:?I have understood that doubts have arisen in the minds of
some gentlemen from the western counties of the State, as to the
promptness and efficacy of the protection to be afforded the
frontier counties, against the incursions of hostile Indians.
[544] I am commanded, Sir, by the President of the United
States, to inform you explicitly that the most immediate and
effectual provision shall be made for the defensive protection
of the frontiers, this State included, by calling into service
at the expence of the United States such proportions of the
militia as the nature of the case may require.
I have the honor to be,
With great respect,
Your Excellency's, Most obedient humble servant,
H. KNOX. Sec'y of War.
His Excellency the Governor of Pennsylvania.
GENERAL KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, March 14th, 1791.
SIR:?I have the honor to enclose for your Excellency's
satisfaction a copy of the letter written to the Lieutenants of
the counties of Washington, Allegheny and Westmoreland on the
10th instant, and which was transmitted by express on the same day.
I am, Sir, With great respect,
Your Excellency's most
Obedient humble Servant,
H. KNOX, Sec'y of War.
His Excellency the Governor of Pennsylvania.
GENERAL KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO THE LIEUTENANTS
OF THE WESTERN COUNTIES.
WAR DEPARTMENT, 10th March, 1791.
SIR:?In consideration of the present exposed situation of the
County of ____ ____ the President of the United States hereby
authorizes you to embody at the expence of the United States, as
many of the militia by voluntary engagements or otherwise
according to law, as in your judgment the defensive protection
of the said county may require.
He is persuaded that from a regard to proper economy and your
own character, you will not call out an unnecessary number of men.
[545] The rangers to be called into service in pursuance of this
authority are to be upon the same establishment of pay and
rations, as the troops of the United States, agreeably to the
schedule herein enclosed.
The county lieutenants are to make an arrangement for supplying
the said rangers with rations, provided each ration shall not
exceed the amount of eight cents.
The county lieutenants are also to direct the said rangers to be
mustered upon entering and leaving the service, and the officers
commanding the said rangers are to make oath to the truth of
their muster rolls.
That muster rolls and abstracts for the pay and rations of the
said rangers are to be made out and certified by the county
lieutenants, who are to transmit the same to the War Office for
examination and payment; and also their powers of attorney to
receive the money.
You will keep the said rangers in constant activity in such
directions as may best serve to secure the inhabitants, and to
give information of the approach of the Indians.
You will report to me and to the commanding general of the
troops in writing, the number you may have called out by virtue
of this authority, and the arrangements you have made for
furnishing them with rations.
This measure is to be considered as temporary, until other and
more efficient arrangements which are in train shall be carried
into execution.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
H. KNOX,
Sec'y of War.
MAJOR ISAAC CRAIG TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
FORT PITT, 16th March, 1791.
SIR:?The people on the frontier are exceedingly alarmed; parties
of Volunteer militia have been sent from several parts of this
county and Washington, as patroles, one of which fell in with a
party of friendly Indians at the block house on Beaver creek
(where they had been at a store) killed three men and one woman,
notwithstanding the Indians called to them in English; two of
them being Moravian Indians and known to several of the patrole.
[546] Although this action appears very much like deliberate
murder, yet it is approved of, I believe, by a majority of the
people on the Ohio.
I am,
Sir, &c,
ISAAC CRAIG.
JAMES MORRISON TO GENERAL RICHARD BUTLER.
PITTSBURGH, March 17th, 1791.
SIR:?The Indians have not committed any depredations on our
frontiers since my last. Notwithstanding a party of militia from
Ohio County, in number 30, came to the west side of Beaver
Creek, opposite the block house where William Wilson of this
place has been trading for some considerable time past, fell on
some Delaware Indians who had been trading with Mr. Wilson,
killed 3 men and one woman, took 9 horses, the Indians' arms,
&c.?the residue of the Indians made their escape. This ill-timed
stroke (to say no worse) has greatly alarmed the settlements
opposite Beaver. They have left their houses along the river for
some distance and collected in small bodies some miles back.
Should the Indians revenge this injury done them on our
frontier, (which it is more than probable they will,) that
thriving settlement on Racoon will break up and fly a
considerable distance into the interior part of the country.
I have the honor to be,
Your ob't h'ble serv't,
JAMES MORRISON.
CORNPLANTER AND OTHER SENECA INDIANS TO
PRESIDENT WASHINGTON.
PITTSBURGH , March 17, 1791.
SIR:?When we raised from the great council of the Thirteen
Fires, we mentioned that we meant to have a council with the
chiefs of the bad angry Indians.
Through the whole Quaker State, as we came up the road, we was
treated well, and they took good care of us until we came here.
One misfortune happened only that one of our wagons is not yet
arrived here, the one we first engaged with the goods you
presented to us.
Father: Your promise to me was, that you would keep all your
people quiet, but since I came here, I find that some of [547]
my people have been killed, the good honest people who were here
trading.
Father: We hope you will not suffer all the good people to be
killed, but your people are killing them as fast as they can.
Three men and one woman have been killed at Big Beaver creek,
and they were good people, and some of the white men will
testify the truth of this. When I heard the news, I found one
boy had made his escape and got to the trader's house who saved
his life; I now wait to see him.
Father: We have been informed that twenty-seven men came from
another State and murdered these men in the Quaker State and
took away nine horses and all the goods they had purchased from
the trader. Our father and ruler over all mankind, now speak and
tell me, did you order these men to be killed?
Father: Our words are pledged to you that we would endeavor to
make peace with all warrior nations. If we cannot do it, do not
blame us; you struck the innocent men first. We hope you will
not blame us, as your people has first broke good rules, but as
for our people, they are as friendly and as firm as ever.
Father: We must now acquaint you with the men's names who did
this murder at Beaver creek. Samuel Brady, formerly a captain in
your army and under your command, also Balden were persons
concerned in this murder.
Father: I can inform you little more, therefore will conclude,
with asking you how I should have came to the knowledge of this
or how I could have informed you had it not been for our good
friend Joseph Nicholas? I, therefore, beg you may grant him an
appointment as interpreter, for we cannot see how we will do
without him. I know of no other man who speaks your language and
ours so well as him.
CORNPLANTER, his X mark.
NEW-ARROW, his X mark.
HALF-TOWN, his X mark.
BIG-TREE, his X mark.
P. S.?The boy who made his escape at Beaver creek has arrived at
this place, and I have taken him under my protection.
Father: Your dispatches for Detroit has been unavoidably
detained heretofore, but to-morrow Big-Tree and one other shall
set off with it and will also take the boy mentioned here and
deliver him to his relations. We part to-day at this place.
Big-Tree is going amongst the cross Indians to see if they will
make peace, and I go to my own people to call them to council.
CORNPLANTER.
To the President of the United States.
[548] MAJOR SAMUEL HODGDON TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
PHILADELPHIA, March 19th, 1791.
SIR:?The Artillery Companies of this City have on Loan, Seven
Pieces of Brass Ordnance belonging to the United States of the
following Calibres, viz: One Six Pounder, five four Pounders,
and one three Pounder. The Six Pounder & three Pounder are now
Wanted, and I have to request that you will be pleased to issue
an Order addressed to the proper Officer for their delivery. If
others are wanted in their stead, those of different dimentions
shall be furnished.
I have the honour to be,
Your Excellency's Most Obedient Servant,
SAMUEL HODGDON, Commiss'y Mil. Store.
His Excellency THOMAS MIFFLIN, Esq'r.
GEN. NEVILLE TO COL. RICHARD BUTLER.
Woodville, Alleghany County,
March 25th, 1791.
SIR:?In the absence of the County Lieut, it devolves on me to
inform your Excellency of our situation with Respect to the
Indians, whose Intentions, generally, I fear, are inimical.
The frequent Murders they had committed during the latter part
of the Winter, having greatly exasperated the People on the
Frontiers. A Party about the 9th Inst., (I believe Virginians,)
fell on a Party of Indians near the Mouth of Beaver Creek and
killed five of them; that those Indians were not hostile,
appears from their having with them articles of Trade and their
Squaws, but that they either had been so, or were connected with
unfriendly Indians, appears from their having with them several
articles well known to be the property of a Family who sometime
before was murdered at the Mingoe Bottom.
On the 18th Inst, one man was kill'd and three Prisoners taken
from about four Miles above Pittsburgh, on the Alleghany Shore,
and on the 23d Inst. Thirteen Men, Women & Children (mostly the
latter) were kill'd about fifteen Miles above Pittsburgh, on the
same River, (I believe at the Mouth of Bull Creek,) which has so
alarmed the Frontiers, that I fear they will break up.
The settlement on the depreciation Tract, amounting to about
Forty or Fifty Families, has fled to a Man, and many on the
[549] Ohio have moved to more interior Situations. The Militia
are in great want of Arms. I do not believe that more than
one-sixth are provided for. Five or Six years of continued Peace
had destroy'd all thoughts of Defence; and the game becoming
scarce, the Arms have slipt off to Kentucky and other later
Settlements, where there appeared to [be] more use for them.
The Corn Planter and his Party (about forty-five in number) are
now ascending the Alleghany River to their Country; they left
Pittsburgh four days ago. The first Murder on the Alleghany was
committed in one Mile of his Camp, and he was not very distant
from the other. Notwithstanding his Professions, some of his
Party are greatly suspected, at least of being confederate in
this Business, and Parties have been forming to pursue & cut
them off. However, I hope it may not be carried into effect, it
would add the Senecas to our Enemies, already too numerous for
our defenceless Frontiers, & the Settlement on the French C'k
would be an immediate Sacrafice.
With the Sentiments of the highest Esteem & Respect,
I've the honor to be, Your Excellency's
Ob't humb'e Serv't,
PRESLEY NEVILLE.
His Excellency Governor MIFFLIN.
GEN. KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, 28th March, 1791.
SIR:?I have the honor to transmit to your Excellency, a
representation made to the President of the United States by the
Cornplanter, a Seneka Chief, upon the subject of the murder of
some friendly Indians on the 9th instant, who had been trading
at the Block house, on Big Beaver Creek within this State. It
would appear both from the representation of the Cornplanter,
and the information of persons of respectable characters at
Pittsburgh, and its neighbourhood, herein enclosed, whose names
it might not be proper to make public, that the act of killing
the Indians aforesaid is considered by the good Citizens of the
frontiers, as an atrocious murder and deserving of the severest
punishment.
If such crimes as the murder of friendly Indians should be
suffered to pass off with impunity, the endeavours of the United
States to establish peace on terms of justice and humanity will
be in vain; a general Indian war will be excited, in which the
opinion of the enlightened and impartial part of mankind will be
[550] opposed to us; and the blood and treasures of the nation
will be dissipated in the accomplishment of measures degrading
to its characters.
To avoid such deplorable consequences, every exertion will be
immediately made within the power of the General Government.
Major General St. Clair will be instructed to enquire into the
facts, and finding them as represented, to call the relations of
the deceased Indians together; to disavow and disapprove of the
murder in the strongest terms; to assure the Indians that every
measure authorized by the laws will be immediately taken to
bring the murderers to condign punishment: and to make the said
relations entire compensation for the loss of the horses and
property taken from the murdered Indians.
But the punishment of the murderers will not belong to the
General Government. The crime having been committed within the
jurisdiction of the State of Pennsylvania, is to be tried by its
laws. No doubt can arise that your Excellency will view the
transaction in its proper light, and that you will demand the
accused of the State of Virginia, according to the Constitution
of the United States, or take such other measures on the
occasion, as you may judge proper.
I have the honor to be, with great respect,
Your Excellency's most obed. servant,
H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
His Excellency the Governor of Pennsylvania.
GEN. KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR TO GOVERNOR, MIFFLIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, 31st March, 1791.
SIR:?I had the honor on the 7th Instant, to inform your
excellency, that the President of the United States had directed
a number of recruits to be raised in the State of Pennsylvania,
for the purpose of completing the First regiment of Infantry in
the service of the United States. I have now the honor further
to inform your excellency, that the President of the United
States, in pursuance of the authority vested in him by an act,
entituled "An Act for raising and adding another regiment to the
military establishment of the United States, and for making
further provision for the protection of the frontiers," has
directed that two battalions, of Levies of four companies, each
amounting to three hundred and thirty-two, non-commissioned
[551] and privates, should be raised within the State of
Pennsylvania.
The said Levies to be enlisted for the term of six months from
the time of joining the Rendezvous upon the frontiers
As soon as one company shall be completed at Carlisle or other
rendezvous to the westward, it will be marched to Fort Pitt.
I have the honor to be, with great respect,
Your Excellency's most obedient servant,
H KNOX, Sec'y of War.
His Excellency the Governor of Pennsylvania.
COL. WILKINS TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
PITTSBURGH, 31st March, 1791.
SIR:?The Indians have committed considerable depredations on the
people living on the west side of the Allegheney river, which
has caused our frontier people, for an extent of fifty miles, to
fly. They have abandoned their farms, their stock and their
furniture, and fled with the utmost precipitation. The Indians
have killed one man & carried off three people prisoners within
five miles of this town, & they have killed nine persons within
twelve miles. The conjecture of most people with respect to the
Indians who have done this mischief, is, that they were of the
same nation of some who were killed when peaceably trading about
thirty miles of this place, by a party of militia from Ohio
County, Virginia.
Our country will be reduced to the utmost distress, unless
government interferes decisively in their favor. Gen'l Knox has
written to the respective County Lieutenants, directing them to
turn out a sufficient number of Militia for the purpose of
immediate defence. The county Lieutenant of our county being at
Phila., received the letters of the Minister of War, & forwarded
them here to a person to act for him. There has arisen a
question with us, which I think a just one: If the Minister at
War can order out our militia under a Penn'a Law, & direct them
to be paid Continental Pay, when the law under which they are
ordered out, allows them twice as much, whether the Governor of
Penn'a ought not to be the official character in ordering out
the militia under the laws of this State? & also, it has been
questioned, whether the County Lieutenant, sitting at Phil'a,
can authorise any person to act as deputy for him, especially
when some of his directions are discretionary? These things
occuring have prevented the people from acting with that
unanimity & spirit which their situation required.
[552] We have heard of a Law of this State appropriating four
thousand Pounds for the defence of the frontiers, which has
given great hope, as you will have the direction of the manner
in which it will be applied. If you think me capable of
assisting you in this business in this country, I flatter myself
you will employ me, and shall exert myself to do you justice &
Credit to myself.
I have, as yet, no idea in what manner you will carry the views
of the Legislature into execution, but I am confident of its
being done in the best manner.
I have the honor of being, your
Excellency's most ob't & very Hum'l Servant,
JNO. WILKINS, Jr.
JOHN GIBSON TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
VEARSAILS TOWNSHIP, ALLEGHANY COUNTY, April ye 1st, 1791.
To His Excellency Thomas Mifflin, Governor of the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania:
HONOURED AND WORTHY SIR:?Permit Me to Address you thus by
Presenting to your notice the Contents of a few Extracts of
Military Discipline, which to My opinion, would be an Necessary
Addition to that abstract set forth By the Hon'l Barron Steuben,
Recommended to the officers & Privates of Pennsylvania Militia
troop as an Excellent Method of forming.
Immediately after the forming of troops, Military Discipline is
the first object that Presents itself to our notice. It is the
soul of all Armies, and unless it be established among them,
with Great Prudance, and Suported with unshaken Resolution, they
become more Dangerous than Useful, more hurtful to ourselves
than to our Enemys. It, therefore, becometh Every officer to pay
the same attention to his Duty in time of Profound peace as when
on the very theatre of War, in suporting authority in Decency
and good Order. To honour & obey superiors, is setting an
Example Which with the better sort will have its Effect.
It is a false notion to think that subordination and a passive
obedience to superiors can be any Debasement to a Man's courage;
so far from it, that it is a General Remark, that those armies
(whether standing or Militia) which have been subject to the
strictest Discipline, have always Proformed the Greatest
Actions. For testimony, look back to good Reign of Queen
Elizabeth, Who with the Assistance of the well Discipled Militia
of England, Defended the Kingdom against the Spanish Armida had
on board 30,000 Landsmen.
[553] Not willing to tire your Patience too long by way of an
address, I shall only Give you here a summary abrigement of the
contents as I am under the necessity of transmitting my address
by Post, Living in the Western Department of your State, at the
Distance of 307 Miles from the metropolis.
The Contents is as follows, viz: An Address to the several
officers of a Regiment, Gentily tutching the Characters & Dutys
they ought to adhear to; Cautions, Directions & Abservations for
young officers; Some Particular Dutys of Adjutant General,
Brigade Majors, Adjutant, &c.; a Roster for Detaching
Battalions; Rendezvousing of an army; the Disposition of an Army
Marching through an Enemy's Country; Manouvers to be opposed to
the Enemy's false alarms; Manouvers & Explanations Proper on a
field Day, with a field Return; Some Remarks proper to be made
by the Reviewing Officer; an inspection Report; Several Exact
copies & Directions for Making Muster Roles; Morning & Monthly
Reports of Regiment or Compang When Stationed; forms &
Directions for holding Court Martial, Regmental or General;
instrutions for officers on Grand Guards, outposts of parties;
Particular Dutys on which Light Cavalry are Generally Employed.
These, with a Large addition of Useful instructions proper to
qualify the young & Unexperanced officer for Military Service.
Honoured Sir: Pardon me if I have Unworthly Imployed My Pen, as
it is the zeal Which I have for the Service and welfare of My
Country that induces me thereto. If the above is thought of
Consequence as to the Restoration of Military Discepline, I
shall Count it My Duty and honour to be Employed Under your
Authority. And as a faithful subject I Subscribe Myself,
Your Excellency's Most obedient
and Most humble Servant,
JNO. GIBSON.
JAMES MARSHEL TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WASHINGTON, 11th April, 1791.
SIR:?Yours of the 18th ult. with its inclosure, I Received by
Mr. Miner. Previous to the Receipt thereof, I was authorised by
the President of the United States, thro' the Secretary of War,
"to embody at the expence of the United States, as many of the
Militia, by Voluntary engagement, or otherwise, according to
Law, as the defencive protection of this County may require." In
consequence of this author, I ordered on duty one Company of
Militia for one Month, with the design of embodying within [554]
that time, a sufficient number of active Woodsmen to continue in
service six Months, (unless sooner discharged,) for the defence
of our frontiers, and which I expect to effect by the 18th Inst.
The General Government having thus provided for our defence
until other and more efficient arrangements, which the Secretary
of War writes me are in train, shall be carried into execution,
supercedes the necessity, in my opinion, of calling out any
Militia at the expence of this State at present.
We have not yet suffered any damage in this County by the
Indians, that I know of. The frontier Inhabitants are,
nevertheless, very much alarmed on account of the Murders
committed on the Neighbouring frontiers, and several of the
frontier settlements in this County have been evacuated before I
was authorised to send out any men for their protection.
By the 20th Inst., I shall set out for Philadelphia, at which
time I will be able to make as accurate a statement of the
Number and equipments of our Militia, &ca., as practicable to
obtain.
I have the Honor to be,
your Excellency's most obed't
and very Humble servant,
JAMES MARSHEL.
His Excellency THOMAS MIFFLIN, Esquire.
GEN. KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, April 20th, 1791.
SIR:?I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency, the copy of
a letter from Lieutenant Ernest, at Fort Pitt.
The affair of which he speaks is of a most atrocious nature. It
may be expected that a more particular account will be received
by the post of to-morrow, when I shall have the honor of
communicating further with your Excellency on the subject.
I have the honor to be,
with great respect,
Your Excellency's most obed't
and very humble serv't,
H. KNOX, Sec'y of War.
His Excellency Governor MIFFLIN.
[555] LIEUTENANT ERNEST, OF THE FEDERAL ARTILLERY,
TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
FORT PITT, 10th April, 1791.
SIR:?Mr. Jeffers informed me by Express, two days since, that he
had just received good information of one thousand of the lower
Indians being within thirty miles of him, and that their views
were to destroy the Cussawaga settlement and the post at
Vinango; that his garrison is reinforced by forty Seneka Indians
and white men from Cussawaga, and that he had then but ten days'
provisions on hand, the contractor's boat having been stopped on
its passage to Fort Franklin by the militia of Westmoreland
county, on account of there being friendly Indians on board who
assisted in navigating her up the Alleghany. These Indians were
a part of Cornplanter's party who had with them the presents
they received from Congress and State of Pennsylvania, which was
taken from them and exposed at public sale. The party that did
this mischief was under the command of Major Guthrie, of
Westmoreland.
The Contractor's boat set out again from this place the 3d
instant and expected to arrive at Fort Franklin the 14th or 15th
at farthest. Mr. Jeffer's letter is dated the 5th, so that it is
probable the supply may arrive seasonably.
Your obt. serv't,
MATTHEW ERNEST.
WILLIAM FINDLEY TO SECRETARY DALLAS.
April 29, 1791.
DEAR SIR:?I have just time to inform you by post that yesterday
the Indians attacked the house of James Kilpatrick, on Crooked
Creek, and killed two men and Broke a child's leg, &c., the
people, however, supported the house. There were six Militia men
stationed at the house and nine, I understand, at a house in the
neighborhood. I am informed that a block house opposite to
Pittsburgh has been attacked by the savages, but they have been
repulsed. Col. Campbell has been much complained of for keeping
the Militia out from their labors. (This affair will convince
people of the necessity of the measure.) He called upon Genl.
St. Clair for the few recruits that we raised here to supply in
part the place of the first called Militia, but was refused, as
the Gen'l is taking them to guard himself down the River. The
people here were convinced that [556] they had not much
assistance to expect from his industry or attention. I am sorry
that these apprehensions are so much verified. My information is
imperfect, for though a Boy came express this morning to my
house for assistance to scout on the frontier, yet I not being
in the house did not see him. Excuse haste and confusion, and
believe me to be with sincere respect,
Your obed't humble serv't,
WILLIAM FINDLEY.
A. DALLAS, Secretary of the Commonwealth.
DAVID STEWART TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
SUNDAY, 8th day of May, 1791.
SIR:?I have this day received information which may be depended
on, that a party of Indians known to be Senecaes, some time in
the last week of April, killed two men and one child (which
account I expect your Excellency has received by this time,) at
a place known by the name of Crooked Creek near Kitaning Old
Town, and within twenty-eight or thirty miles of our Frontiers,
which lye as much exposed as the place where they have committed
the murder. Our Settlements are in considerable fear and danger,
and unless some Guards are stationed along the wilderness back
of our Settlement, I am afraid they will give way particularly
as the murders were committed by a Nation we expected were upon
the most friendly terms with us. A Capt. McGuire who lives the
most exposed, informs me that he has discovered traces of the
Indians in several parts of the Country in which he lives, and
as he informs me they are Senecaes, we have too little right to
expect anything from their placable disposition. Your
Excellency, we trust, will take such measures as will be
necessary to strengthen our Frontiers.
I am, with all possible regard and esteem.
Your Excellence's most obedient and very humble Serv't,
DAVID STEWART.
His Excellency THOMAS MIFFLIN, Governor of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania.
[557] GEN. KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, May 10th, 1791.
SIR:?I have the honor to transmit, for the information of your
Excellency, the copy of a letter from Major Heart, respecting
the consequences of the Indians who were killed near the block
house on Big Beaver Creek.
I have the honor to be, with great respect,
Your Excellency's Most obedient
and very humble Serv't,
H. KNOX, Sec'y of War.
His Excellency the Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
MAJOR JONATHAN HEART TO GEN. KNOX.
PHILADELPHIA, 10th May, 1791.
SIR:?With respect to the murders committed by the Indians on the
Alleghaney in March last, I can assure you they were not
committed by the Munsee & Senecas, as has been publickly
reported. Capt. Bullit, who was said to be killed, I have myself
seen since that time, he with a number of Munsee had been
hunting near the Susquehannah waters during the whole winter and
spring. The Seneca, called Snip Nose, who was also said to be of
the party, I did not see, but not long before the massacree he
was near Fort Franklin, and went to Buffaloe creek where the
chiefs say he now is and that he has not been absent. The Indian
supposed to be Snip Nose, was a Munsee living on Beaver waters,
and known by the name of Capt. Peters, a relation to some of the
Indians killed by Capt. Brady. Another of the Indians who
committed the murder was known by the name of Flin, had often
been with the Senecas, but he lived and hunted on Beaver waters,
was also connected with the families who suffered at the Beaver
Block house, and there can be no doubt but the murders were
committed by the friends and relations of those families who
hunted on Beaver waters, and not by the Indians on the
Alleghaney, who in every particular manifest the most sincere
attachment to the United States.
I have the honor to be,
with due respect, Sir,
Your most hum'l Serv't,
JONA. HEART.
Major General KNOX.
[558] JOHN SCULL TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
PITTSBURGH, May 23th, 1791.
SIR:?I take the liberty of inclosing you a Pittsburgh Gazette,
which contains some accounts of the depredations of the Indians,
and since publishing which I have rec'd an authentic account,
that two men were taken on Sunday last about six miles from the
Allegheny, in Westmoreland County, and about twenty miles from
this place. There were three men in company, one escaped by
being some distance behind the others, and informs that there
were 20 Indians.
With sentiments of respect, I am
Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant,
JOHN SCULL.
His Excellency THOMAS MIFFLIN, Governor of the State of
Pennsylvania.
MAJOR JOHN IRWIN TO COL. CLEMENT BIDDLE.
PITTSBURGH, May 12th, 1791.
SIR:?In the absence of the County Lieut., I acknowledge the
rec't of your letter of the 31st March, with an order for 200
Stand Musquets & Bayonets. They have, I hope, been distributed
in the most Juditious manner to the Counties alluded to in your
letter. By next post you may expect the necessary Vouchers. The
Waggon mentioned in this letter sent off last Saturday with
Arms, Ammunition, &c., we have not since heard of. Your letter
of the 8th Aprile, by Mr. Dunwoodie, with an inclosed Invoice of
Military Stores?a certain Mr. William Todd, of Westmoreland
County, 10 miles from Greensburgh, has taken the liberty in the
name of the County Lieut, to take possession of the whole?how he
is to account to Government for his Conduct, the Governour may
Judge. The Counties of Washington and Allegaheny, I am
confident, acknowledge with Gratitude the attention paid them by
Government. But you see the Misconduct of a Mr. Todd oversetts
the designs of a good Government, & I am Confident the Exertions
of a Majority of most Spirited Virtuous Citizens.?drop the
subject. I hope your representation of this business to the
Governour will be the line to have it sett right. I have nothing
new to inform you of. We are got perfectly Easy on the subject
of Tomhawking & Scalping, as it happens every two or three days.
It is probable I may not [559] have the pleasure of writing you
again, as I believe mine would be very acceptable to our Swarthy
Neighbors.
Your Most Obedient Humble Serv't,
JOHN IRWIN, Major 4th Battln. Allegaheny Militia, Acting for the
County Lieut.
Mr. CLEMENT BIDDLE, Q. M. Gen'l P. Militia.
ANDREW GREGG TO COL. BRYSON.
PENNS VALLEY, 16th May, 1791.
D'R SIR:?We have received some tolerably well authenticated
accounts of the Indians being on our Frontiers. Not many Day
since they attacked a House on Crooked Creek, where a party of
seven Men had assembled for their mutual Defence, & killed two
Men & one Boy in the House. The Indians had one killed on the
Spot and another appeared badly wounded.
Crooked Creek, where the above happened, I am informed, is not
more than eighty or ninety Miles distant from my House. The
Lieutenant of Huntingdon County has ordered out a scouting party
to reconoiter, which marched last Saturday. The people here are
a good Deal alarmed & are urging me to do something in the Way
of preparing for Defence. Being without authority, I feel a
Backwardness to proceed, tho' I see the Necessity of it now. I
have taken this previous step to advise with you & shall wait
your Answer. We have very few Arms & no Amunition. I have,
therefore, been thinking that it would be very well for you to
procure & send us some of both, & likewise to hasten the period
of our Organization, as without some Establishment, that way you
know Nothing can be well done. Besides, should Danger approach
nearer, both you & I will be charged with Neglect & unnecessary
Delay. I shall wait your answer & wish you to hasten it.
I am, Sir, with the highest Esteem,
Your Friend and most obe't serv't,
ANDREW GREGG.
Col. SAM'L BRYSON, Lieutenant of Mifflin county.
[560] GEN. KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
WAR DEPARTMENT, May 19, 1791.
SIR:?Conformably to your Excellency' s request of this day, I
have given Col. Clement Biddle, the quarter master general of
this State, an order on Major Craig, at Fort Pitt, for two
hundred arms and accoutrements, and a proportionate quantity of
ammunition.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Your Excellency's
most obedient and very humble Serv't,
H. KNOX, Sec'y of War.
His Excellency Governor MIFFLIN.
JOHN ADLUM TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
NEW TOWN, June 27th, 1791.
HONOURED SIR:?I arrived at this place on the 19th Instant, where
I found Col. Pickering and a few Indians, the waters being so
low he could not reach the Painted Post, the place appointed for
the Treaty, so he concluded to hold it at this place. Since I
came here, there is to the amount of near two hundred warriors
and others of the Oneida & Onondaga tribes arrived, and
yesterday a runner came from the Senecas, informing that there
were six hundred and eighty-two of them in a body, on their way,
besides a considerable number from other Towns who were expected
to join them; but the Cornplanter was not amongst them, and the
runner could not inform me whether he would come to the Treaty
or not, and as my business here was to see him, I concluded it
would be only losing of time for me to wait for him, as I have
other business to attend to, and it does not appear to me that
the Treaty will be over this three weeks. I left a letter
informing him of my having been here with an intention of doing
his business, (to be forwarded to him if he does not attend the
Treaty,) with my reasons for not waiting, promising, at the same
time, to attend to the same as soon as I can go to that Country
in safety.
I am, Sir,
with sentiments of esteem,
your most obedient humble Serv't,
JOHN ADLUM.
His Excellency THOMAS MIFFLIN.
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[562] the Countys of Allegaheny & Westmoreland. Yours of the
19th May, with the order for 200 Stand arms, Ammunition, &c,
came Safe to hand. 50 of these, with a proportion of amunition,
have been delivered to the Lieut. of Washington County. Gen'l
Butler thinks it improper that any more arms Should be Issu'd on
this order, as the levies are arriving almost every day, and
there does not appear to be more Arms in Store at this place
than will be Sufficient to arm them. The ammunition may be had
if wanted. The (Gentlemen of Westmoreland must have been greatly
allarm'd, and I am Sorry for it, but it may not be improper in
this place to observe, that their Neighbouring County,
Allegaheny, have Suffered four times as much in allarms & real
attacks in the Course of three months past. We have lost from
this County fourteen person Killed, Wounded & taken, & I
recollect but three from Westmoreland. The County last
mentioned, have now in their possession, Stores Stopt, & what
they got of the first Order, for two hundred Stand arms, &c.
2,960 pounds ball, buck Shott, &c.
1,100 pounds Riffle & Musquet powders.
2,000 Flints.
127 Stand arms and the accoutrements; &c, Sent in your two last
Waggons.
I am, Sir, your most
obedient Humble Serv't,
JOHN IRWIN, Major 4th Battl'n Allegaheny Militia, acting for the
County Lieut. Col.
CLEMENT BIDDLE, Quarter Master General Penn'a Militia.
RHEA'S NARRATIVE.
Narrative of Mr. Thomas Rhea who arrived at Pittsburgh from
captivity the 30th of June, 1791.
On the 5th day of May, 1791, I was taken prisoner at a place
called Cussawaga, and plundered of seven horses by a party of
five Indians, partly Delawares, partly Munsees, among whom was
one called Captain Peter, a Munsee, and one called Jacob
Philips, who both talk English; Philips is well known at Detroit
as a Delaware. They also took, at the same time, Cornelius Van
Horne and two horses, part of the above seven, and killed and
scalped William Gregg. They proceeded with us to Sandusky by the
way of the mouth of Cayahoga river and the Moravian town, which
is evacuated and the people moved be- [563] yond the Detroit
river, to a spot near one Captain Elliott's of the Indian
Department, where they have planted corn. We arrived at Sandusky
the 12th day, which made it the 16th day of May. At this town
was a Captain Coon with from one hundred and fifty to two
hundred Indians, beside some war parties, who had brought in
negroes, horses and other property, also a white prisoner who
was left at a village seven miles up the Sandusky. During my
stay at Sandusky, which was seven days, I was chiefly employed
in planting corn; the eighth day, which was the 24th of May, an
Indian came in with the news-halloo, and information that a
large body of troops were discovered moving, he said, towards
the Miami towns in three colums; on which the Indians were much
alarmed, and immediately destroyed the corn which had been
planted, burned their houses and moved to the great crossing of
the Miami or Ottawa river, called Sandusky. Several war parties
came in with prisoners and scalps. At this place (the Miami)
were Colonels Brandt and McKee, with his son Thomas and Captains
Bunbury and Silvie of the British troops. These officers, &c.,
were all encamped on the south side of the Miami or Ottawa
river, at the rapids above lake Erie, about eighteen miles; they
had clever houses, built chiefly by the Pottawatamies and other
Indians; in these they had stores of goods, with arms,
ammunition and provision, which they issued to the Indians in
great abundance, viz: corn, pork, peas, &c. The Indians came to
this place in parties of one, two, three, four and five hundred
at a time from different quarters, and received from Mr. McKee
and the Indian officers, clothing, arms, ammunition, provision,
&c., and set out immediately for the Upper Miami towns, where
they understood the forces of the United States were bending
their course, and in order to supply the Indians from other
quarters collected there. Pirogues, loaded with the above
mentioned articles, were sent up the Miami river, wrought by
French Canadians. About the last of May, Captain Silvie
purchased me from the Indians, and I staid with him at this
place till the 4th of June, (the King's birth day,) when I was
sent to Detroit.
Previous to leaving the Miami river, I saw one Mr. Dick, who,
with his wife, was taken prisoner near Pittsburgh in the
spring?I believe by the Wyandots. Mr. McKee was about purchasing
Mr. Dick from the Indians, but found it difficult. Mrs. Dick was
separated from him, and left at a village at some distance from
this place. I also saw a young boy named Brittle, who was taken
in the spring from near a mill, (Captain O'Hara's,) near
Pittsburgh; his hair was cut, and he was dressed and armed for
war; could not get speaking to him.
About the 5th June, in the Detroit river, I met from sixty to
[564] one hundred canoes, in three parties, containing a large
body of Indians, who appeared to be very wild and uncivilized;
they were dressed chiefly in buffalo and other skin blankets,
with otter skin and other fur breech cloths, armed with bows,
and arrows, and spears; they had no guns, and seemed to set no
store by them, or know little of their use, nor had they any
inclination to receive them, though offered to them. They said
they were three moons on their way. The other Indians called
them Mannitoos. About this time there was a field day of the
troops at Detroit, which I think is from five to six hundred in
number. The next day a field day of the French militia took
place, and one hundred and fifty of the Canadians with some
others turned out volunteers to join the Indians, and were to
set off the 8th for the Miami village, with their own horses,
after being plentifully supplied with arms, ammunition, clothing
and provisions, &c., to fit them for the march. While I was at
the Miami, or Ottawa river, as they call it, I had mentioned to
Colonel McKee and the other officers, that I had seen Colonel
Proctor, on his way to Fort Franklin?that I understood he was on
his way to Miami or Sandusky, with some of the Senecas, and that
he expected the Cornplanter would accompany him in order to
settle matters with the hostile nations; and that he expected to
get shipping at Fort Erie, to bring him and these people to the
Miami, or Sandusky, &c. That the officers in their conversation
with each other said, if they were at fort Erie he should get no
shipping there, &c. That the Mohawks and other Indians that
could speak English declared that if he (meaning Colonel
Proctor) or any other Yankee messenger came there they should
never carry messages back. This was frequently expressed by the
Indians and Simon Girty; and a certain Patt Hill declared
Proctor should not return if he had a hundred Senecas with him;
and many other such threats were used, and every movement,
appearance and declaration seemed hostile to the United States.
And I understood that Colonel McKee and the other officers
intended only to stay at the Miami till they had furnished the
war parties of Indians with the necessaries mentioned above to
fit them for war, and then would returned to Detroit. That
Elliott had returned to Detroit, and Simon Girty; and that Girty
declared he would go and join the Indians, and that Captain
Elliott told him he was going the next day with a boat load of
goods for the Indians, and that Girty might have a passage with
him. That on the 7th of June the ship Dunmore sailed for Fort
Erie, in which I got a passage. We arrived there in four days.
About the 12th June I saw taken into this vessel a number of
cannon, eighteen-pounders, with other military stores, and
better than two companies of artillery [565] troops, destined,
as I understood, for Detroit and the upper posts; some of the
artillery-men had to remain behind, for want of room in the
vessel. I have just recollected that, while I was at the Ottowa
river, I saw a party of warriors come in with the arms,
accoutrements, clothing, &c., of a sergeant, corporal, and (they
said) twelve men, whom they had killed in some of the lower
posts on the Ohio; that a man of the Indian department offered
me a coat, which had a number of bullet and other holes in it,
and was all bloody, which I refused to take, and Colonel McKee
then ordered me clothes out of the Indian store.
THOMAS RHEA.
Allegheny County, Pittsburgh, July 2d, 1791,}ss:
Personally appeared before me, one of the justices of the court
of common pleas in and for the aforesaid county, the subscriber,
Thomas Rhea, and being sworn according to law deposeth that the
above narrative is a true state of facts, to the best of his
knowledge and recollection.
JAMES BRISON.
CAPT. TORRENCE TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
FAYETTE COUNTY, Aug't 10th, 1791.
SIR:?With propriety your Excellency may conclude that I am
guilty of a great neglect in not writing sooner, or before now,
but the inclosed will, I hope, mitigate, as I will Shew that I
was attentive When I intrutedit with the Gentlemen mentoned on
the back, I thought I had a good conveyance, but he forgot my
packett at home, and only handed it me a few days agoe. Since my
last, General Richard Buttler call'd the County Lieut's of Ohio,
Washington, Allegheni, Westmoreland & Fayette to a consultation
for the protection of the frontiers in the absence of the
F?deral Troops, which was to be drawn Off the 5th Inst. We
agreed that 300 Militia Should be kept up?Sixty-five, properly
Officer'd, is my Quota, which is marched from the first & Second
Batalions, First class. Their Station is One Capt., One Ens'n &
45 rank and file at the block House, near the mouth of bigg
Beaver Creek, and One Lieut, and 20 rank and file at the mouth
of Yellow Creek, on the Ohio. Should it be deemed necessary for
them to continue longer for the defence of the Inhabitants, I
mean to relieve them Once a month, as the burthen will then fall
more equal. Hirelings and Servants in this Country is very
scarce, and consequently, two months' tour to a farmer would be
very injurious. This is all the Official transactions that has
[566] lately passed which your honour requires me to transmits
Should any appointment to Office lie before your Excellency that
my abilities would be adequate to, in this part, should be happy
to meet your approbation?and as it is a asking or seeking time,
I humbly crave a continuance of my present Office, should your
honour see fitt. For recommendation, I refer to Jno. Smilie,
Esq'r, and the rest of Our representatives from Our County.
I am with due respect,
Your Excellency's most
Obedient and Very humble Servant,
JOSEPH TORRENCE.
His Excellencie THOMAS MIFFLIN.
COL. CAMPBELL TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
GREENSBURGH, Aug't 13th, 1791.
SIR:?In Consequence of your Letter to me directed, of the
Nineteenth of May, 1791, I Ordered, by Draught, a full Company
of Millitia, of this County, to Guard the froonteers untill
Sutch Time as the General Government would Grant them
Protection, and as Soon as a part of Coll. Gibson's New Levies
Was Sent on our Froonteers, I went to Maj'r John Clark, of the
New Levies, who Had the Command of the Troops in our County and
Wished to have the whole of the Millitia of the County
discharged; But as the Men Under His Command was Not Sufficient
to guard Sutch An Extensive Froonteer, He Wished Me to Continue
fifty of the men. Upon whitch I did, and discharged the Captain
and thirty of the men; the Remainder Served their Proper Tour,
and Against that time was Expired General Butler gave me
Information that He would With Draw the New Levies from their
Posts, and Requested me to Protect the froonteers of
Westmoreland County. I then Agreed with the Lieutenants of
Washington, Feyete and Alegany Counties to furnish for my Quota
to guard the Froonteers, Seventy-five men to give Protection To
the froonteers of Westmoreland county, Whitch I Expected would
have Been Sufficient, But Upon finding the Enemy Being so mutch
On Our froonteers, and so Constantly a Stealing of Horses, But
Hath not yet Done Other Damage, But often Seen; and as I found
one Company of Men was Not Sufficent to give Protection to so
Extensive a froonteer, I Ordered to thier Assistance one L't and
twenty-five men, and with The Whole of them it is as mutch as I
can Get the froonteers Inhabitants Not to Break up. I will do
Everything in My [567] Power to give Satisfaction to the
froonteers and Not to Let them Move from their Stattions. I have
Apointed John Deniston Contractor for the Westmoreland County
Millitia, and is to see him Paid Eight Pence Pr. Ration on the
account of the Stations being so small. I Expect you Will Order
the Expences to be Paid to William Findley, Esq'r, as my
Charecter Is At Stake for the Punctual Payment of the Men and
provitions.
I have the Honor to be, Sir,
your Obedient Humble Serv't,
CHAS. CAMPBELL.
His Excellency THOS. MIFFLIN, Esq'r.
REPRESENTATION OF THE INHABITANTS OF PITTSBURGH.
PITTSBURGH, 11th December, 1791.
SIR:?In consequence of the late intelligence of the fate of the
campaign to the Westward, the inhabitants of the town of
Pittsburgh have convened, and appointed us a committee, for the
purpose of addressing your Excellency. The late disaster of the
army must greatly affect the safety of this place. There can be
no doubt but the enemy will now come forward, and with more
spirit, and greater numbers than they ever did before for
success will give confidence, and secure allies. We seriously
apprehend that the Six Nations heretofore wavering will now avow
themselves; at least their young men will come to war. Be that
as it may, the Indians at present hostile are well acquainted
with the defenceless situation of this town. During the late war
there was a garrison at this place, though, even then, there was
not such a combination of the savage nations, nor so much to be
dreaded from them. At present we have neither garrison arms, nor
ammunition to defend the place. If the enemy should be disposed
to pursue the blow they have given, (which it is morally certain
they will,) they would, in our situation, find it easy to
destroy us, and should this place be lost the whole country is
open to them, and must be abandoned. The safety of this place
being an object of the greatest consequence, not only to the
neighboring country but to the United States, as it is the point
of communication to the Westward, and the proper depository of
their magazines, it must be of the greatest consequence to
preserve it.
We state these things to your Excellency as the executive
authority of the Government, that if anything can be done by
your Excellency towards our immediate defence it may be done; if
[568] not, your Excellency will communicate our situation to our
State Legislature, or to the General Government, as it may seem
expedient or proper. Having the highest confidence in your
Excellency's good disposition towards the citizens of this State
in general, and those of this place in particular,
We are your Excellency's obedient humble servants,
JAMES O'HARRA,
JOHN IRWIN,
JOHN WILKINS, Jun.,
A. TANNEHILL,
JOHN McMASTERS,
WILLIAM TURNBULL.
To His Excellency Governor MIFFLIN.
PRESIDENT WASHINGTON TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
PHILAD'A, December 23, 1791.
SIR:?I have received your Excellency's letter of yesterday
enclosing a copy of a representation to you from the inhabitants
of Pittsburgh, relatively to their apprehensions in consequence
of the late defeat of the troops under Major General St. Clair.
I can, with great propriety, assure your Excellency, that it is
my earnest desire, that all the exposed parts of the frontiers
should be as effectually protected, at the general expense, as
the case may require.
I shall direct the Secretary of War to confer with your
Excellency upon this subject, and to inform you of such measures
as have been directed, and are in train of execution.
I have the honor to be,
your obd't serv't,
GO. WASHINGTON.
To His Excellency Thomas MIFFLIN, Governor of Pennsylvania.
SECRETARY OF WAR TO GOVERNOR MIFFLIN.
PHILAD'A, 26th December, 1791.
SIR:?I have the honor, in pursuance of the orders of the
President of the United States, to state to your Excellency the
measures which are at present in train of execution, for the
defensive protection of the Western parts of Pennsylvania, to wit:
First. That, on the sixteenth day of the present month, orders
were issued to Major Craig to construct, immediately, a block
house at fort Pitt, and to surround it with pallisadoes, so as
to contain about one hundred men.