WILKINSON COUNTY, GA -HISTORY - Davidson's History of Wilkinson County
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DAVIDSON'S HISTORY OF WILKINSON COUNTY

WITH APOLOGIES

The HISTORY OF WILKINSON COUNTY GEORGIA, by Victor
Davidson, has been out of print for 48 years. It was
published in 1930.

Due to the circumstances brought about by the economical
depression during that era, a limited number of copies
were issued. Conditions also dictated who would actually
do the printing. It had to be done as economically as
possible. The job was given to a Macon firm not usually
associated with book work. It was actually a job printing
place.

The slick paper stock used deteriorated over the years,
becoming discolored and frayed. Binding also came loose
from the spine.

These conditions resulted in a difficult situation in
producing clear electro plates - especially the finer
print inside the book.

For such reasons - and the job being done by a non-
professional, this re-issue lacks some of the qualities
found in commercial jobs.

Joseph T. Maddox

June 1978

Copyright 1930

By

VICTOR DAVIDSON

Copyright expired 1958

REPRINT 1976 AND MAY 1978

Fourth Edition 1994

The Wilkinson County Territory while a part of the Trans-
Oconee Republic of Elijah Clarke, in 1794 .

HISTORY OF WILKINSON

COUNTY

By

VICTOR DAVIDSON

PUBLISHED BY

THE JOHN BALL CHAPTER

DAUGHTERS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

PRESS OF

THE J.W. BURKE COMPANY

MACON, GA.

The Wilkinson County Territory of the DeSoto days.

Wilkinson County Territory as a part of the Great Creek
Confederacy.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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BLANK

FOREWARD

Without intending any invidious comparison, the local
history of Wilkinson County written by Victor Davidson,
Esq., is the best of many I have read. The author has a
proper sense of proportion in knowing what to put in,
what to leave out, what to treat in detail, and what to
handle in a brief way. His treatment of the background
is, it seems to me, par excellent. His knowledge of
Indian affairs, a large part of which is related to the
early settlements in Wilkinson, and therefore properly a
part of this volume, is nevertheless of state-wide
interest; and students who wish to know more of Georgia's
dealings with the Indians will find here the fullest
treatment of the subject that has fallen under my eye -
indeed I know of no other source where the connected
story may be found, and it has been written in a most
attractive style.

Mr. Davidson has also shown, in the following pages, much
of the inner life of the people of his county. He has not
contented himself with mere dates, and names, and of
sounding the praises of the more prominent ones, but he
has portrayed the home life of the people and has
recorded many of the side lights without which no true
picture could be presented.

No history of the entire State can do what these county
chronicles are doing. The former is limited to a
statement of the outstanding facts which affect the
current of the whole commonwealth; but the latter can and
should make mention of many things for which there would
be no place in the other; and yet, it is the lights and
shadows of the little things that make up the complete
portrait.

His treatment of the part played by the country in the
War Between the States is especially well done.

The work has been so thoroughly wrought, and with so much
pains and accuracy, that the talented writer who is
responsible for it is entitled not only to the thanks of
the people of Wilkinson, but of those everywhere who are
interested in the history of the State.

WARREN GRICE

(10)

BLANK

TO MY MOTHER

who first impressed me with a desire

to write this book

and

TO MY WIFE

who assisted me in the work

1. The narrow strip east of the Indian Boundary line
comprised the Wilkinson county of 1803, but all the
remainder of the lands south of the line running from Ft.
Wilkinson to the Ocmulgee River was added in 1806.

2. In 1807 the vast area was cut up into a number of
counties and for the two years following Wilkinson county
consisted of the territory extending from river to river
and bounded by the lines - - - - - - - - - - - - -.

In 1809 this  was cut in two by the line -.-.-.-.-.-.-.-
.-.-.- and Twiggs county formed.

At various times portions of Wilkinson county have been
added to Baldwin.

fff

er

ERNEST JACKSON STUCKEY

b. 1816, Wilkinson County, GA

Ernest

HISTORY OF WILKINSON

COUNTY

CHAPTER 1

THE INDIAN ERA OF WILKINSON COUNTY

THERE is unmistakable evidence to be found throughout
Tthis section pointing towards the fact that hundreds of
Tyears ago the country was thickly populated with human
beings. There are large mounds to be found near Black
Lake, below the old Oconee Town, south of Milledgeville,
near Lord's Lake, several miles farther down the river,
one near Wriley, one on Cedar Creek near Burke's Old Mill
Site, one farther down the creek not far from the Dublin
and Irwinton Road. There are many places in the county
where numbers of arrow heads indicate that they might be
on old battlegrounds of contending tribes. Likewise, in
the memory of people yet living, there were many more
indications of Indians to be found years ago which are
now obliterated. Mrs. J.W. Fordham, who lives near Ball's
Ferry, gave the author the information that during her
childhood, there was located on the lands now belonging
to Mr. Ennis Miller a round tract of ground, packed very
hard, which was said to have been the place where the
Indians were accustomed to dance their war dance. Mr.
J.J. McArthur, of Gordon, tells of there having been a
similar spot of ground near the Irwinton and Macon Road
about seven miles from Irwinton on his old home-place.
Mrs. C.G. Kitchens, tells of an old site resembling that
of the cliff dwellers near Turkey Creek about two miles
from Danville from which she digged some bones and
pottery. Among the things found there was the petrified
skeleton of a human being. It had been buried in a
sitting position apparently after a number of things had
been burned near him. Among the ashes were some partly
burned bones the nature of which she was unable to
determine, also a piece of metal chain and many
arrowheads. Some excellent pottery was found in one of
the mounds near Black Lake several years ago. This
pottery was sold to the Superintendent of the State
Sanitarium at Milledgeville at that time. The mounds near
Lord's Lake are large and have large flat rocks piled on
them.

According to the hearsays handed down by the past
generations and told to the author by C.B. Lamb, about
three hundred years before Wilkinson County was first
settled by

THE INDIAN ERA OF WILKINSON COUNTY

the whites, which would have been about the year 1500,
the most terrible hurricane that had ever been before
experienced by the Indians devastated the section of the
country from the vicinity of Turkey Creek as its eastern
boundary and extending approximately twenty miles in
width from this section to the Ocmulgee river, uprooting
all the monster yellow pines that covered this whole
section, and almost exterminating the tribes of Indians
who then dwelt at Allentown and on Turkey Creek, so
frightening the remainder that they left in a body, never
again returning to live here. As the tradition goes, the
yellow pine was not reseeded in this particular section
but that in its stead the "short-strawed" pine took its
place, and although this whole section is surrounded by
lands upon which the yellow pine flourished, never since
then has it been found here. The tradition says further
that when the white man first settled here the roots and
stumps of these old yellow pines could frequently be
found.

An old tradition told the author by B.C. Arnold several
years ago is to the effect that Devil's Branch near
Danville was so named by the Indians who were accustomed
to go there to hunt, but every time they would go there,
a hairy monster in the shape of a man and with flaming
eyes would chase them away, and for this reason they gave
it the name of the Devil's Branch and avoided the spot.
It will also be noted that this stream flowed near the
old Indian village at Allentown.

By the same person, the author was informed that Turkey
Creek was so designated by the Indians on account of the
numerous wild turkeys to be found there, and the Buck
Creek was given that appellation by reason of the deer
that were always there.

CHAPTER 2

DE SOTO'S VISIT TO WILKINSON COUNTY

THERE is a vast diversity of opinion as to the route
taken by TDe Soto in his journey through this section of
the State. TThe map accompanying Irving's "Conquest of
Florida" indicates that the route led by way of the
present city of Macon

DE SOTO'S VISIT TO WILKINSON COUNTY

and thence to Milledgeville, before proceeding to Silver
Bluff near Augusta. Numerous writers accept and follow
this theory.

Still others among whom may be mentioned Stevens, in his
History of Georgia, frankly admit that it is impossible
to trace the exact route. The translations of Garcilaso,
of Biedman, of Elvas and of Ranjel in the Carnegie
library of Atlanta do not give sufficient data to
determine the route absolutely, but these apparently just
as strongly sustain the opinions of Charles C. Jones,
Jr., who, in his History of Georgia, indicates the route
as having led through Coffee or Irwin county, thence
crossing the Ocmulgee, on through Laurens and up the
Oconee for a distance before crossing. There is much data
to sustain Jones in this opinion. Pickett in his  History
of Alabama states that De Soto spent the winter of 1539-
40 near Tallahassee, Florida, and it is agreed by
practically all modern writers on the subject that the
Silver Bluff near Augusta is identical with Cofachiqui,
and that the general direction of De Soto's line of march
was northeast. It will be observed that a straight line
on the map connecting Tallahassee with Augusta, will
follow the route suggested by Jones. Mention is also
frequently made of the Indian trail which was followed by
this expedition, and over which the Indian guides assured
De Soto they had previously traveled the entire distance.
This leads us to believe that it is extremely probable
that the old trail, shown on the Map of 1715 "Plate C"
accompanying Swanton's History of the Creek Indians, must
have been the same trail followed by De Soto.

Mention is made by Irving and others of the Spaniards
passing through the province of "Atapaha" or "Altamaca,"
and some conclude this was Altamaha. However, it is just
as probable that this was Alapaha, as the river of this
name crosses the route suggested by Jones, while the
Altamaha river is much farther to the east of the route.
After leaving Atapaha the next province the Spaniards
reach was Ocute. Swanton in his History of the Creek
Indians gives his opinion that Ocute and Hitchitee are
synonymous and in his map "Plate I" accompanying his
History of the Creeks indicates that the

territory in the forks of the Oconee and Ocmulgee which
was later to become the lower portion of Wilkinson County
was the province of the Ocute of De Soto. Some idea of
the populous condition of the country is given when the
chieftain of Ocutes sent a deputation of two thousand
Indians to meet De Soto carrying with them as presents,
rabbits, partridges and dogs. When De Soto arrived at his
town he gave up his mansion to the Governor.

All the writers mention the fertility of the soil, the
plentiful supply of food and game, as well as the
hospitality of the people of Ocute or Cofa. The location
of the town of Ocute or Cofa is fixed by Jones as being
in the present Laurens County, formerly Wilkinson County.
It was here that De Soto astounded the Indians by
pointing a cannon at a tree and with two shots cut it
down. Before leaving, the cannon being too heavy to
carry, he presented it to the chief.

The adjoining province on De Soto's route was Caofaqu and
was ruled by the brother of Ocute, but much more rich and
powerful. Starting thither he was accompanied by four
hundred Indians sent by the chieftain as burden bearers,
and a messenger was also despatched to the Chief of
Cofaqui acquainting him of the approach of the visitors.

If Jones is correct, then it is probable that Old Oconee
Town is identical with Cofaqui.

The Chief of this province advanced to meet De Soto with
a retinue of richly decorated warriors with headdresses
of tall plumes, and rich mantels of martin skins. He,
too, gave up his mansion to De Soto.

This chief tried in vain to dissuade De Soto from going
on to the northeast telling him of the great wilderness
intervening. Failing in this he sent scouts out and
assembled eight thousand of his subjects to accompany De
Soto, four thousand as soldiers and four thousand
retainers to carry supplies.

WILKINSON COUNTY'S FIRST WAR EXPEDITION

At the sight of so many armed Indians the Spaniards were
alarmed but it soon developed that the wily old king had

WILKINSON COUNTY'S FIRST WAR EXPEDITION

determined to make use of the Spanish army in wreaking a
vengeance upon the inhabitants of Cofachiqui who were
perpetually at war with his tribesmen and who frequently
worsted them in battle. Calling his war chief, Patofa, he
made known to him  his plan. Irving in his "Conquest of
Florida" gives a most vivid picture of this occasion:

"The Indian leader, whose name was Patofa, was of a
graceful form and striking features. His expression was
haughty and noble, promising dauntless courage for war,
and gentleness and kindness in peace. His whole demeanor
showed that the cacique had not unwisely bestowed his
trust. He rose, and throwing aside his mantle of skin,
seized a broadsword made of palmwood, which a servant
carried behind him, as a badge of his rank. He cut and
thrust with it, as skillfully as a master of fence, much
to the admiration of the Spaniards. After going through
many singular evolutions, he stopped suddenly before the
cacique and made a profound reverence. `I pledge my
word,' said he, `to fulfill your commands as far as in my
power; and I promise, by the favor of the strangers, to
revenge the insults, the deaths, and the losses, our
fathers have sustained from the natives of Cofachiqui. My
vengeance shall be such, that the memory of past evils
shall be wiped away for ever . My daring to reappear in
your presence, will be a token that your commands have
been executed. For, should the fates deny my hopes, never
again shall you behold me, never again shall the sun
shine upon me! If the enemy deny me death, my own hand
will find the road! I will inflict upon myself the
punishment my cowardice or evil fortune will merit!'"

Not only was Patofa an orator but he was a born leader.
The discipline he maintained over his eight thousand
Indians equaled that of De Soto over his Spaniards, and
his posting of sentinels, the order and regularity of his
army was such that the Spaniards were in constant dread
of their allies.

After losing the way and wandering for several days a
frontier village of Cofachiqui was found and De Soto
encamped for several days:

"During which time Patofa and his warriors were not

idle, but, sallying forth stealthily, ravaged the country
for leagues round about, slaying and scalping man, woman,
and child, sacking and pillaging villages and hamlets,
temples and sepulchres, and refraining only from setting
fire to them, through fear that the flames might betray
their doings to the Spaniards.

"When De Soto heard of this cruel ravage, he made all
haste to get rid of his bloody allies. Sending for
Patofa, he thanked him for his friendly conduct and
valuable escort; and giving him presents of knives,
trinkets, and clothing, for himself and his cacique,
dismissed him and his followers.

"The savage warriors set off on his return, well pleased
with the presents, but still more gratified at having
fulfilled the vow of vengeance made to his chieftain."
(Irving's Conquest of Florida, p. 216.)

CHAPTER 3

INDIAN TRIBES

SWANTON in his history of the Creek Indians indicates
Sseveral tribes here. The Oconee tribe whose town was a
Sfew miles below the present town of Milledgeville and
located, according to the Purcell map, on the sharp bend
in the river, about midway between the mouths of Buck
Creek and Town Creek in the original Wilkinson County.
Swanton's maps also locate the Tamali and Hitchiti towns
near the forks

INDIAN TRIBES

of the Oconee and Ocmulgee and the Chiaha town in
approximately the vicinity of Hawkinsville. There was,
according to Mrs. Sarah Allen, of Allentown, who was near
ninety years of age at her death, an old Indian village
at Allentown, where two trails crossed, and that there
are still to be found indications of the burial ground.

There is a tradition that once a tribe of Indians built
their village on the creek which flows into the river
just above Dublin and that a great drought came,
preventing any crops from being grown and the whole tribe
almost starved, so that the survivors moved away, but
before leaving named the creek, Hunger and Hardship,
which name it bears to this day.

It is also said that there was an Indian village on what
is known as Bear Camp Branch near Irwinton. Likewise
there was another on the homeplace of J.T. Dupree, Sr.,
six miles west of Irwinton.

THE OCONEE TRIBE

It is probable that Spanish explorers and priests
traveled through this country, as they had a mission
among the Indians south of the junction of the Oconee and
Ocmulgee rivers. The Missionary Pareja mentions this
tribe in 1602, and in 1608 governor of Florida, Ibarra,
again mentions this tribe. The next time we hear of the
Oconee Indians is in 1695, when, in order to avenge an
invasion made by the Indians of this section against some
of the Spanish Indians, seven Spaniards at the head of
four hundred Indians invaded this country, and among the
towns captured was Oconee Town.

Wilkinson county can justly lay claim to having for
centuries belonged to the most remarkable tribe of
Indians that has ever dwelt  on the American continent, a
tribe whose loyalty to friends and whose hostility to its
enemies has never been exceeded, whose bitter enmity to
the Spaniards in Florida and whose friendship for the
English might have, in no small way, determined the
contest between these nations for Georgia, in favor of
the English.

The Oconee Indians were a part of the old Hitchitee
group, and according to their traditions was the most
ancient

of the tribes dwelling in this section; that they came
across a sea which was narrow and frozen and traveled
from there toward the east until they reached the
Atlantic Ocean, seeking in vain for the place from which
the sun came.

The fact that the Oconees were of the Hitchitee stock,
that the Ocute of De Soto and Hitchitee are synonymous
and the further fact that the chief of Cofaqui was the
brother of the chief of Ocute, lends color to the idea
that the town of Cofaqui visited by De Soto is none other
than our Oconee town.

It is not known how the enmity arose between the Oconee
Indians and the Spaniards, but it is possible the
invasion in 1695 might have intensified it. History shows
no deadlier hatred of one people for another than that of
the Oconee Indians towards the Spaniards. We find them at
every opportunity venting their hatred against every
thing that pertained to Spain. Even the Indians friendly
to that nation shared in their undying animosity. It is
possible that this feeling of the Oconees and their
allied tribes prevented the Spaniards from obtaining a
foothold here.

As contrasted  with the Spaniards, the English after
planting settlements in the Carolinas made friends with
the Oconees, and established trading posts among the
Indians of this section. As history shows no greater
capacity for hatred than that of the Oconees for the
Spaniards, at the same time, it shows no greater loyalty
than that of the Oconees for the English, a loyalty that
existed for centuries. This was tested in 1702 when the
Spaniards and Indians were on their way to destroy the
English settlements in the Carolinas, and the English
traders and Creek Indians defeated them. In the following
year they united with the English against the Spaniards.
In order to avoid having friction, they gave up their
town on the Oconee River about 1715 and moved to the
Chattahoochee. We find the Oconee chieftain,
Oueekachumpa, or "Long King" in the council held by
Oglethorpe in 1733 and in this council he claims kinship
with Tomochichi. Secoffee, or "Cowkeeper" who succeeded
Oueekachumpa seems to have continued this friendship and
we find him moving to

INDIAN TRIBES

Florida and spending most of his time fighting Spaniards,
as did his nephew, Payne, who succeeded him and for whose
service during the Revolution he was given a silver crown
by the British. Even after the British were driven out
during the Revolution the Oconee Indians who had now
moved to Florida where they had formed the nucleus around
which the Seminole Nation grew, yet they maintained their
friendship for the English and when the English declared
war against the United States in 1812, the Oconee sounded
the warwhoop on the side of their old allies. Payne who
was still king did not wait for the British armies to
arrive but in 1812 committed depredations against the
Georgia settlements.

THE MUSKOGEAN INVASION

A few years after the visit of De Soto, a hostile invader
appeared from the far West. Apparently a great nation
moved in one body to this section of America. We can
imagine runners speeding from tribe to tribe calling them
to arms to resist the great Muskogean invasion. Doubtless
the bloodiest wars of the history of the Hitchitee tribes
were now fought in an effort to save their hunting
grounds. It appears that in the end peace was made and
the invader was given portions of the hunting grounds and
the Oconees became a part of the great Creek Confederacy
at the same time retaining intact their ancient domains.

THE UCHEES

It would seem that the Uchee tribe of Indians once lived
on the Oconee River not far from Toomsboro, possibly
Ball's Ferry vicinity, their hunting grounds probably
extending up and down the river. There is a Uchee Creek
not far from the Indian dance ground described by Mrs.
Fordham: there was also an old Indian trail called the
Uchee trail which led up and down the river when this
territory was surveyed in 1804. The old plot and grant at
land lot No. 311 to Jonathan Snider is in the writer's
possession showing this trail. The old road from
Toomsboro to Messer's Bridge probably follows this

route. In addition to this there was an old trail leading
from the vicinity of White Bluff or Lord's Lake across
Commissioner Creek near Claymont crossing the Irwinton
and Macon road near the old home of J.J. McArthur, thence
across Big Sandy and on through Twiggs County passing
near Jeffersonville and thence to West Lake or Buzzard
Roost, known as the Upper Uchee Trail.

In the description of the route followed by the Hartford
road in the act creating this road, this trail is
mentioned as being the Uchee trail. In addition to this,
there was what was formerly called the Lower Uchee trail
leading from the Ogeechee (Uchee) river to the Oconee
river at Carr's Bluff above Dublin, and a continuation of
this trail crossed the Tauloohatchee (Palmetto or Turkey,
as it is now called) Creek, thence by the present town of
Cochran and on to the crossing where Hawkinsville now
stands. (This trail, however, was explained to the author
several years ago by a Mr. Grantham, then near ninety
years old living near Cochran. He told the story as told
him by his parents when a child. The trail was named for
an Indian chief, Uchee Billy. He made a treaty with the
white men and granted a lot of the hunting grounds. His
tribesmen were incensed and made known their anger to
their chieftain, who promised faithfully never to cede
away any more land. Later, he violated this promise, and
not only sold their hunting grounds but traced out a road
from the white man's country on this way and into the
Indian country beyond the Ocmulgee. His tribe was so
furious that they hanged him.

In Swanton's History of the Creek Indians, Uchee
Tustenaggi or Uchee Billy is mentioned as being the chief
of the Uchee Indians from about 1785 and on up to at
least 1823. In the treaty of Fort Wilkinson his name
appears.

Another trail led from Carr's Bluff in a more westerly
direction by Allentown, Danville, by Mt. Zion Church and
on to Buzzard Roost or West Lake. At one time it was
known as Jameson's Trail.

Although the Uchees had a language and customs distinct
from the Creeks, yet they were often uniting with them

in their wars, and were considered members of the Creek
Confederacy as their chief signed the treaty of Fort
Wilkinson. However, their reputation among the other
tribes was none too good. It seems that some tribes
accused the Uchees of being cannibals but Swanton says
there was really no foundation for this charge. However,
the other Indians feared them and the Creeks ever
welcomed them as allies.

Wherever they lived, the Uchees were bound to stir up
trouble. Before the English settled in the Carolinas they
were the bane of the Spaniards in Florida. Once in 1639
they tried to ally themselves with the Spaniards but they
ended up by inducing another tribe to attack the
Spaniards.  For a while they were neighbors to the
English in the Carolinas but they became so troublesome
that a war broke out and the Uchees about 1681 were
forced to move to some point between the Oconee and
Ocmulgee. Swanton thinks they settled near Indian Springs
but it is possible that they moved to this section, and
while here adopted these trails and caused the trails and
the creek to be named for them. The Uchees were great
hunters and fishermen and the trail up and down the river
led to some of the finest fishing and hunting grounds to
be found in the county today.

CHAPTER 4

OLD TRAILS

THE trail leading from Oconee Town to the Carolina
TSettlements was, perhaps, for many years the main artery
Tuniting the Creek Indians of this section with the
English, and over which practically all articles for
trade were carried.

The English forces passed along this route in 1703 when
Col. Moore at the head of fifty volunteers from the
Carolina settlements marched through here where he was

joined by one thousand Creek Indians in an expedition
against the Spaniards on the west coast of Florida.
During this expedition Col. Moore writes of leaving the
Ocmulgee river and later destroying old Fort St. Lewis
near the Gulf of Mexico. The route taken by these forces
as shown by an old map of 1715 giving the location of the
Indian tribes was the trail leading from Charles Town
(Charleston) by way of the Indian town near where Augusta
now stands, thence to Oconee Town, thence south by
southwest across the county and on to old Fort St. Lewis.
It is probable that this trail followed the same path as
the Carolina-St. Augustine path until it reached
Stephensville and there diverged to the right passing
through the lower part of the county and on through where
Allentown now stands.

Frequently high water made it impossible for streams of
this county to be crossed and at Stephensville there was
a bridge maintained by the Indians. The author is
indebted to Mr. James E. Lord of near Toomsboro for this
information. He was eighty years old and remembered his
teacher, Mr. Littleton Jenkins, telling him during the
Forties that the reason the bridge was known as
"Lightwood Knot" bridge was on account of the fact that
this was on the old Indian trail leading from Augusta to
St. Augustine and the Indians built a bridge there by
piling large heaps of lightwood knots and using them as
piers and laying logs from one to another.

The old Mitchell map of 1755 shows a trail leading from
Augusta by way of Oconee town, thence westward, crossing
the Ocmulgee where Macon now stands thence on to the
Mississippi River. The map states this trail was followed
by Col. Welch in 1698, and since then followed by
traders. This map also indicates that the English had
factories and traders in all the Indian towns except the
Alabama; and that they had established them as early as
1687.

There is frequent mention in Indian Affairs, Vol. I, of
the Cussetah Path leading from Fort Fidius or Rock
Landing across this section to Buzzard Roost. This trail
must have passed near Gordon.

OLD TRAILS

The old English Purcell map of 1770 shows a trail leading
from the east probably from Savannah crossing the Oconee
River below Oconee Town, at White Bluff, thence crossing
both Commissioner and Big Sandy creeks and crossing the
Ocmulgee about Macon.

With the settlement of Savannah the trail leading by way
of Ball's Ferry, thence to Macon by way of Irwinton
probably became an important one as it was the most
direct route between Savannah and the tribes on the
Chattahoochee River to the northwest of Macon, although
for the tribes further south the route known as the
Chicken or Chickasaw Trail by way of Dublin and
Hawkinsville might have been more often traveled. The
other trails through the county were probably traveled a
great deal both by the traders and the Indian hunters who
still owned these hunting grounds, the Uchees even using
the Ogeechee River as hunting grounds up to 1740. It is
also probable that a few families of Indians continued to
live here even after the main body of the tribe had moved
away. In 1775 Bartram, the English naturalist, visited
this section and among the trails mentioned is that
leading from the old Ocmulgee town at Macon to Old Oconee
Town. Benjamin Hawkins in his letters gives a vivid
description of this route in his journal dated 1797.

RIVER CROSSINGS AND FERRIES

The ancient crossings of the Oconee give us an inkling as
to the location of the Indian Trails. There was a
crossing at or near Rock Landing and later a ferry was
established near this known as McKensie's Ferry, now as
Tucker's, still another, known as Tom's Ford three miles
above the Rock Landing: another at White Bluff; another
near the home of P.M. Jackson; another farther down the
river known as Rutherford's Ferry (this ferry is
mentioned in an old Milledgeville newspaper). Ball's
Ferry was evidently owned by John Ball, Senator of
Wilkinson county, as his administrator, Anson Ball, in
1816 operated it, and paid a rent to the estate for it.
Still another, Fordham's Crossing below the mouth of Big
Sandy; another at Carr's Bluff near the present
Blackshear's

Ferry; another at the present site of Dublin called
Jenck's Ferry.

THE OLD FEDERAL TRAIL

Mr. J.F. Billue, Sr., described what was called in his
childhood "The Old Federal Trail," which led from the
direction of Toomsboro crossing Big Sandy about the home
of E.J. Helton's, thence across Cedar Creek and on by way
of Allentown. He merely recalled its name and having seen
traces of this old trail, but did not know how long since
it had been used or its origin. It would seem that in
order to have that name it must have been established by
the Federal garrison at Milledgeville or officials prior
to the treaty at Fort Wilkinson as an artery of travel to
the Indian country to the south, and to the Spanish posts
at Tallahassee, St. Mark's and Pensacola. This trail was
used later as the mail route and stage road leading from
Milledgeville to Tallahassee, Florida.

CHAPTER 5

REVOLUTIONARY AND POST REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD

ALTHOUGH this section lay on the direct route leading
Afrom the Indian Towns to the Georgia Settlements and
Aacross which the Indians were obliged to travel during
the Revolution, yet there is but little written history
covering this section during this period. McGillivray had
left the counting house of Samuel Elbert and had gone
back to his mother's people and was claiming his right as
chieftain of the

REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD

whole Creek nation. Having received a commission from the
British government as Colonel it had become his duty to
keep the Creek Indian warriors on the warpath against the
Georgia settlements. How well he succeeded is told in the
history of Georgia's bloody days during the Revolution.
The paths across this section were filled with the
raiding bands of hostile Creeks en route to or returning
from the frontiers laden with booty and scalps of the
Georgians.

During the latter days of the Revolution when the banners
of the patriots were in the ascendancy and the once
victorious Tories were being compelled to flee from their
homes and take refuge wherever they might, it was in this
section they sought a rallying place. We thus find them
here in 1782 uniting into a strong band their own forces
with those of the Creeks and preparing to attack Georgia.
The alarm, however, was carried to the frontiers by Jesse
Spears who had been living with the Indians. He stated
that on a certain day these foes would rendezvous on the
west side of the Oconee and from there make a stroke on
the Georgia settlements. In addition to his regiment of
faithful Wilkes county veterans, Elijah Clarke placed
himself at the head of one hundred South Carolinians who
had been sent to reinforce him and with these made forced
marches to the scene of the rendezvous. Apparently the
enemy having both the Ogeechee and the Oconee rivers
between them and the Georgians was feeling secure at this
distance from the frontier and was not keeping proper
sentries, as Clark was able to cross and march a few
miles on the west side of the Oconee and to make a
surprise attack, defeat and scatter the Tories and
Indians without any loss on his part. (Am. State Papers,
Ind. Affairs Vol.1. page 317. McCall's History.)

The end of the Revolution in favor of the American arms
brought much trouble to the Creek nation which had risked
so much in anticipation of a British victory. The
Cussetahs and certain other tribes, however, had remained
neutral during the war and immediately upon its close
extended the olive branch by gathering an immense
quantity of

property stolen from the Georgians during the Revolution
and bringing it to the Oconee river, at the same time
sending messengers to the seat of government at Savannah
that they were ready to deliver up this property.

The memories of the bloody massacres during the
Revolution was not to be so easily wiped out and the
cession of the lands east of the Oconee was demanded at
the treaties of Augusta, Galphinton and Shoulderbone.
During the same period Georgia was confiscating the
properties of the Tories which were still to be found in
the state. Lachlan McGillivray, the father of Alexander,
had fled the state and his enormous holdings were
promptly seized. Seeing the rush of settlers to the east
banks of the Oconee and at the same time the wealth of
his father which he hoped some day to inherit swept into
the hands of the Georgians, McGillivray's rage knew no
bounds. The Indian in his blood seems to have now
dominated him and he gave himself up to that hate for
Georgia of which the Indian nature is capable. He seems
to have been willing to sacrifice all in order to wreak
his vengeance on Georgia.

His English allies were no longer in reach but there was
Spain in both East and West Florida and in Louisiana,
ancient enemy of Georgia, and with whom a quarrel was
already brewing over the boundary question. To Pensacola
he went in 1784 and entered into a treaty with the
Spanish governor, granting to that power the trade of the
Creek nation and forming an alliance through which Spain
agreed to come to the aid of the Creeks in case of war;
to supply the Creeks with arms and ammunition and to give
McGillivray a commission as Colonel in the Spanish army.

Recognizing the vast possibilities of an alliance with
such a strong nation on the frontiers of the weak
American Government, Spain lost no time in carrying out
her agreement as to the arms and ammunition. Her arsenals
at Pensacola, St. Augustine and New Orleans were opened
to the Creeks and in a short time McGillivray was enabled
to turn his warriors against the Georgia settlements on
the Oconee. His repeated demands as his price for peace
were that the Georgians retire

REVOLUITONARY PERIOD

from the Oconee lands to the lines formerly occupied by
the British.

And Georgia was in no condition to withstand an Indian
war. Left to her own devices by an almost impotent
national government, from which she could expect no aid
at all; bankrupt from the untold ravages of the
Revolution and unable to purchase arms and munitions for
defense; her credit gone and her citizens impoverished;
adequate protection could not be provided. As best they
could the frontiersmen had to bear the brunt of the
Indian hordes, forming bands for mutual protection,
building rude forts in which refuge could be taken when
the Indian alarms were given. So helpless were these
forts, that massacres would occur almost in their very
shadows.

The war constantly growing worse, the federal authorities
sent James White as Commissioner to make a treaty with
the Indians in April, 1787. Meeting with McGillivray and
many of the chiefs of the Indians at Cussetah he
attempted to make peace. McGillivray was in complete
control at this meeting and after a courteous
introduction put forward as the main speaker for the
Creeks none other than the very chiefs who had executed
the treaties of Augusta, Galphinton, and Shoulderbone,
who had been so ostracised by the Indians since that time
they were now in a mood to repudiate these treaties. This
they proceeded to do in the most emphatic terms,
threatening immediate war unless the Georgians should
retire from the Oconee to the old line. McGillivray now
came forward and proposed that if a new state should be
formed south of the Altamaha he would be the first to
take the oath of allegiance. He then announced to White
that he would give him until the first of August for an
answer.

No answer arriving, the war now broke out in redoubled
fury. It seemed as if the whole Creek nation was united
and ready to do the bidding of McGillivray. As never
before the settlers on the east bank of the Oconee felt
the full weight of his vengeance. His hordes poured
across the river burning, pillaging, massacring and
scalping. Swooping down

upon the fort guarding the town of Greensboro, they
burned it as well as the town. Although the Seminole
Indians who were now living mainly in Florida but who
still owned the bulk of the vast territory which was
later to become Wilkinson county, yet we find their
warwhoops mingling with those of the other Creeks and
doing much mischief. (Ind. Affairs Vol. I, Page 30.)

In addition to this tribe it seems that the bloody Uchee
tribe which was usually closely allied with the Seminoles
was doing its part in this immediate section. On through
1788 the war was raging. White's Statistics of Georgia,
pages 677, 678, tells of the bloody scenes occurring in
the neighborhood of Kemp's fort in Washington county.

In addition to the Indian foes there was another enemy to
be dreaded more than these, the lawless Tory element
which at the end of the Revolution had been forced to
flee from Georgia and had now taken up their abode among
the Indian towns. They, too, had a grudge to repay as did
McGillivray, for many of these had property confiscated
by the State of Georgia. The sparsely settled country
along the Oconee where they could steal horses and other
property and then flee into the Indian country was an
opportunity not to be overlooked.

And of all enemies none was so hated as were these Tories
by  the Georgians. The bloody massacres of the Indians
and the horror of their deeds during the Revolution could
be excused as being acts incited by the Tories. But
nothing could atone for the deeds of these who instead of
aiding in establishing the liberties of Georgia had done
their utmost to lay it in waste, and caused the patriots
of Georgia to suffer as no other state suffered.
McGillivray thus found in these who had been outlawed by
Georgia, strong, able and willing allies. The Indian
towns furnished them not only a haven of refuge from the
infuriated Georgians, but also a market for their stolen
goods. To these Tories is due much of troublous times
which for years afterwards afflicted both Georgia and the
Creek nation. For many of them rising into leadership
among the red warriors were constantly inciting them to
mischief.

JOHN GALPHIN'S FAMOUS RIDE

It was about this time that John Galphin, the half-breed
son of George Galphin, the famous trader among the
Indians and patriot extraordinary, comes into prominence.
John and his brother, George, had settled in Washington
county. John near Kemp's fort. On one occasion rumors of
an impending attack having reached the ears of Captain
Kemp, commanding this fort, the families which fled to
the fort for protection sent John as a spy through this
section to gain information and prevent a massacre.
Enroute to the Indian country, on the Lower Uchee Trail
probably, he met a band of the hostiles who passed him
without molestation. No sooner than out of their sight he
turned his horse about and taking another route hurried
as fast as possible to warn the settlers of the approach
of the enemy. Exhausting the strength of his horse, he
dismounted and continued his journey for forty miles on
foot arriving in time to give the alarm and the Indian
massacre was averted. John later accused the Washington
countians of ingratitude towards him and became a bitter
enemy. (Ind. Af. Vol. I, p. 36.)

CHAPTER 6

McGILLIVRAY'S VICTORY AT ROCK LANDING

THE power and influence of McGillivray over the Creeks
Tcontinued to wan stronger as he took advantage of the
Tcession of lands east of the Oconee and the Tallahassee
country and used this to fan the Creek nation into a
frenzy against the Georgians. No man knew how to play
upon their prejudices and hatred better than he.
Throughout the domains of the mighty Creek nation his
word was now law, and the red warriors glad of the
opportunity to accumulate the coveted

scalps, were ever ready to fall upon the Georgians, or
the settlements on the Cumberland. It was well for this
section along the Oconee that McGillivray was a chieftain
better skilled in diplomacy than in leadership in battle,
and that he would send his lieutenants to lead the
raiding bands instead of going in person. Had he been a
warrior as well as the great diplomat that he was,
history might have told a different story.

Having made the treaty with Spain which not only
guaranteed him an abundance of military stores, arms and
ammunitions for the Creeks, but the aid of armies and the
naval power of this nation, McGillivray's dreams began to
expand and he was now planning a far greater Indian
Confederacy than that of the Creek nation with himself at
the head of it, one that would embrace the Cherokee, the
Choctaw and the Chickasaw nations as well. It was a dream
well within the realm of possibility and one worthy of
the mastermind of this "Talleyrand of Alabama." His
successes in battle along the Oconee and on the
Cumberland, his growing power and fame had spread into
these nations. Added to this was his partnership in the
Panton, Leslie & Co., the English firm trading from the
Floridas whose traders were scattered throughout all
these four great nations, and whose great influence among
the Indians was turned towards the consummation of this
great dream of McGillivray. But, perhaps above all was
the ceaseless activities of Spain. In this projected
Confederacy this power saw a strong buffer state lying
between her American colonies and the rapidly growing
young Republic of the north, a buffer state which would
be closely allied to Spain and at the same time in bitter
hostility to the United States. No effort was spared to
bring this about and the other nations besides the Creeks
were given access to the Spanish arsenals.

While the Indian massacres were at their height along the
Oconee, McGillivray played another stroke of diplomacy in
having Spain to file protests to the American government
over the alleged mistreatment of the Creeks, by the
Georgians. These protests led to considerable discussion
and at one time threatened to lead to war between the
United States and Spain.

McGILLIVRAY'S VICTORY AT ROCK LANDING

Only the weakness of the bankrupt federal government at
the time probably prevented war.

But a new movement was on foot which was destined to
affect the trend of history in this section. The federal
constitution was in process of being adopted, uniting the
states more closely than the loosely joined federation
could ever have done. And McGillivray, master diplomat
that he was, kept his ear to the ground. Foreseeing the
growing strength of the American Republic and knowing the
weakness of the Spanish colonies, he recognized the fact
that sooner or later it would be to his best interests to
become allied with the Americans rather than risk all by
remaining loyal to the alliance with Spain. We thus find
him frequently intimating to the Federal government that
he would entertain overtures for an alliance with the
United States.

During 1788 every possible effort was being exerted
towards placating the fury of the Creeks. Although a
truce was proclaimed by the Governor of Georgia in July
of that year, yet this seems to have been of short
duration. So fierce was now the conflict that Governor
Pinckney of South Carolina rendered his services as a
mediator to bring about peace between the Creeks and
Georgia. Likewise Congress taking cognizance of the
plight of the state of Georgia was in passed a resolution
notifying the Creeks that if they persisted in refusing
to enter into a treaty upon reasonable terms the arms of
the United States should be called forth for the
protection of the frontier.

All these efforts, however, proved unavailing.
McGillivray in a very diplomatic letter to Governor
Pinckney in February 1789 placed the grievances of the
Indians before the governor in a very convincing manner,
and at the same time assured him that every effort was
being made to have all the Indian tribes to keep the
truce which was still in force.

However, during the spring of 1789, hostilities broke out
anew and in spite of the threats of the federal
government, the Indians began preparing for a new
offensive against the Georgia settlements. As if in
answer to the threat of Congress,

McGillivray, called a great council of all the chiefs of
the whole Creek nation, and informed them that the
Georgians were not going to give up the lands between the
Oconee and the Ogeechee, and informed them that the
Spaniards had already provided fifteen hundred stands of
arms and forty thousand pounds of ammunition for the use
of the Creeks. The Creeks exulting at the prospect of an
opportunity to recover their lost lands were ready for an
immediate onslaught upon the settlements. Plans were made
and three thousand Creeks were ready to make a drive
which should sweep away all the settlers west of the
Ogeechee, and the Indian alarms extended to the very
heart of Savannah, itself. Parties were on the warpath,
when the new federal commissioners, Osborne and Pickens,
came on the scene and despatched the two half-breed
brothers, John and George Galphin, to the Indian nation
with a new invitation for a treaty. They arrived in the
nation in May, 1789, and just in the nick of time. The
date set for the proposed treaty was in June,  1789, and
it was suggested that a truce be in force until the
treaty was held. The Galphin brothers succeeded in
inducing the nearest Indian towns to withhold their
warriors and to send runners to intercept bands already
on the march to the frontier, until the answer of
McGillivray in Alabama could be had to the new proposals.
McGillivray refused to attend the meeting in June or
allow it to be held thus putting an end to all prospects
of holding it then but suggested a date for three or four
months later, and agreed upon a truce until then.
However, he adroitly suggested that the chiefs of the
Creeks would like to know upon what grounds the
Commissioners wanted to treat. The commissioners promptly
wrote McGillivray that the treaty which should be offered
to be signed would be upon liberal grounds, and
significantly stated that they would like to see
McGillivray privately before the treaty was made. The
meeting date for the treaty was thus fixed for September
15th, 1789.

Both the authorities of the state of Georgia and the
federal authorities being informed of the date set for
the treaty began making every preparation that would tend
towards

McGILLIVRAY'S VICTORY AT ROCK LANDING

making a complete success of it, Georgia appropriated
several thousand dollars and supplied Osborne and Pickens
with necessities for the  immense army of Indians which
was expected to attend. In the meantime three other
commissioners were appointed to supersede Osborne and
Pickens, in spite of the fact that General Pickens was
considered a friend of McGillivray, and in whom
McGillivray had the utmost confidence, these three new
commissioners being Cyrus Griffin, a former president of
the Continental Congress, David Humphreys, one of
Washington's military aides, and General Lincoln who had
commanded the southern army during the Revolution. It is
doubtful that if ever in her history were so many
celebrities on Wilkinson county's soil as were at this
treaty.

The new commissioners were delayed in arriving at
Savannah until September 11th, when they sent couriers to
Osborne and Pickens notifying them of the fact that
Washington had made the new appointments for the treaty
and that they would shortly arrive on the scene.

In the meantime McGillivray and his horde of Indian
warriors numbering not less than two thousand arrived at
the Rock Landing on the 2nd of September. Never since the
days of De Soto had there been such an army of Indians in
this county. On the opposite side of the river was the
small company of artillery under Burbeck. The contrast in
the strength of the negotiating parties must have had its
effect upon both the numerous Indian chieftains as well
as upon the commissioners of the United States. It might
well have impressed upon the American authorities a
wholesome respect for the man who could wield such a
power over such an army of savages. Customary as it was
for the Indians to operate in small bands, yielding
obedience only to those who kept in close contact with
them, this was indeed an epoch in the history of the
Creek nation when so many warriors were ready to do the
bidding of one man.

The arrival of the intelligence that they had been
superseded as commissioners prevented any further negotia

tions by Osborne and Pickens, although they continued
their exertions towards keeping the great motley body of
Indians satisfied and in a good humor - apparently a
herculean task judging from the records. Food in enormous
quantities had to be provided. Separation of the Indians
from the settlers across the river must be maintained.

On the 15th, the new commissioners still not having
arrived, McGillivray served notice on Osborne and Pickens
that unless new commissioners arrived by the 18th, the
Indians would depart. An express was sent with this
message to the new commissioners which met them upon
their arrival in Augusta. Astounded at the information
they at once sent couriers with a letter to McGillivray
assuring them that they would start at once for the Rock
Landing and would arrive there on the 20th of September.
One can imagine the wily chieftain of the Creeks smiling
to himself at the thought of the three dignified
Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States galloping
headlong over the hundred miles of rough frontier roads
separating Augusta and the Rock Landing in order to reach
there before the Indians departed. It was indeed not
surprising that one of the commissioners failed to arrive
on the 20th, having been "unavoidably detained" on the
road. Two of them arrived in the afternoon of the 20th,
probably slightly sore from their ride, but at once sent
a note to McGillivray with their "respectful
compliments."

McGillivray waited until next day to acknowledge this and
then replied in the courteous manner for which he was so
well noted. At the same time he sent three of his most
prominent chiefs to call upon the commissioners, to
welcome them and assure them of their earnest desire for
peace.

From the very beginning of the negotiations there was
always evident the masterful tactics of the great Indian
chieftain, in putting the commissioners on the defensive.
Instead of crossing the river and greeting the
commissioners, he sent an invitation for one or two of
them to cross the river and call upon him for an
interview, an invitation so tactfully worded that the
Commissioners could do nothing but accept. The next

McGILLIVRAY'S VICTORY AT ROCK LANDING

day he returned the visit and spent the greater part of
the day with the commissioners on the east side of the
Oconee. The question of his Spanish treaty being raised
he frankly admitted his alliance with the Spaniards and
his rank of Colonel in the Spanish army, stating that the
treaty had been of great benefit to the Creeks as well as
of pecuniary advantage to himself. However he adroitly
insinuated that he would be willing to renounce his
allegiance to Spain and take the oath of allegiance to
the United States if something better should be offered.

The other commissioner arrived on the 23rd and apparently
every demand of the commissioners upon the Indians would
be granted and the greater part of the day was spent in
drafting the proposed treaty for the Indians to sign.
They had fallen into the trap laid for them by
McGillivray, who had skilfully maneuvered the
negotiations so as to create a feeling on the part of the
commissioners that all their demands would be acceded to
by the Indians.

Twenty thousand dollars had been appropriated by Congress
in addition to that furnished by Georgia for the expenses
of this treaty, for presents for the Indians and the
payment of such sums as might be necessary to induce the
Indians to sign a reasonable agreement.

Washington, in his instructions to the commissioners had
also authorized them to offer as another inducement for
the Indians to sever their allegiance with the Spaniards
a free port on the Altamaha through which the Creeks
could import and export their merchandise on the same
terms as citizens of the United States; also to offer to
McGillivray a military distinction superior to the
colonelcy given him by the Spaniards. They were also
instructed not only to make peace between Georgia and the
Creeks but to look into the treaties of Augusta,
Galphinton, and Shoulderbone and see if any unfair
methods had been practiced by the Georgians in obtaining
cessions of the land lying between the Ogeechee and the
Oconee; that if they found these treaties to have been
fair to treat with the Indians for a confirmation of
them, and if the

Creeks should refuse to confirm these treaties, to inform
them that any further molestation or injury to Georgia
would be punished by the arms of the United States.
Instructions were given that if the disputed lands had
been acquired by unfair means, then the commissioners
were authorized to purchase them from the Indians. A very
significant sentence is found in these instructions to
the commissioners which was sufficient to impress upon
them the great responsibility that was resting upon them,
the necessity of their success in negotiating the treaty
and the dire results which might be realized upon their
failure: "On your success materially depends the internal
peace of Georgia and probably its attachment to the
general government of the United States."

The overconfidence of the commissioners seems to have
affected their draft of the treaty and the terms which
were provided required the confirmation of the cession of
the lands granted at Augusta, Galphinton and
Shoulderbone, with but very little in return. After
having it reduced to writing the commissioners notified
McGillivray that they were ready for the meeting with the
Indians. Here again McGillivray put the commissioners on
the defensive by suggesting that they come to the Indian
camp and hold the meeting there. Again the commissioners
crossed the Oconee at his bidding and at the meeting
after a short talk to the Indians by the commissioners,
which was received with apparent approval by the Indians,
but which was not replied to by McGillivray or any of the
Indians thus leaving no opportunity for any further
discussion by the commissioners, there was nothing else
to do but leave the draft of the treaty with the Indians
for their action. This was done and the commissioners
recrossed the river, apparently believing their mission
fully accomplished.

McGillivray was now absolutely master of the situation.
He had completely outgeneraled the Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States and by strategy had
caused them to draft a treaty for the Indians to sign
such as would hardly be considered sufficiently
reasonable by Washington as to cause a war to be declared
against the Creeks for refusing to sign it.

McGILLIVRAY'S VICTORY AT ROCK LANDING

The commissioners having left the meeting and returned
across the river gave him the opportunity of treating the
draft of the treaty as an ultimatum. The treaty was thus
promptly rejected by the Indians.

The next day, McGillivray wrote the commissioners that
the Indians were dissatisfied at the terms mentioned and
tactfully suggested that a truce be maintained until he
heard further from the United States, ending by saying
that the Indians were resolved to depart and suggesting
that presents be supplied the Indians. To this the
commissioners hastily replied urging him not to depart
but bluntly refusing to give any presents unless a treaty
were made. One of the commissioners hurriedly crossed the
river and interviewed McGillivray getting his promise to
come across the river and confer with the commissioners,
but the next information was a verbal message from him
that he would fall back four or five miles to obtain
forage for his horses. Instead of falling back this
distance he retired fifteen miles and later to the
Ocmulgee.

Consternation now reigned in the camp of the
commissioners. The negotiations for a treaty which meant
so much to Georgia and the United States, as well as to
the reputation of the Minister Plenipotentiary were about
to fail utterly. They had been completely foiled by the
savage from the wilderness of Alabama." As a last resort
one of the superseded commissioners, General Pickens, who
was still at the Rock Landing accompanied by Messrs. Few
and Saunders of the delegation appointed by the governor
of Georgia to attend the treaty was sent to overtake
McGillivray and induce him to return but to no effect. A
letter was also written McGillivray by the commissioners
in the form of a threat in which they stated that if he
departed without a full discussion it would be regarded
as a refusal to establish peace. To this he replied in a
very courteous letter stating that the chiefs had
entreated him to depart and "We sincerely desire a peace
but we cannot sacrifice much to obtain it."

This master in the art of diplomacy had now achieved his
ends. He had skillfully demonstrated to the American

government his great power over the Creek Indians, as
well as to his unequaled skill as a diplomat. He had
shown the Americans how necessary it was to have his
allegiance, and had hinted as to what his price for that
would be. Likewise, he was causing much apprehension
among the Spaniards at the prospect of losing his
allegiance, and could now play off one nation against the
other in his demands on each. His agreement to a truce
was a masterful stroke in that it averted all prospect of
a war against the Creeks, not merely convincing
Washington that war was unnecessary  but unwise at this
juncture, but would also have the effect of putting
Georgia in an embarrassing position should she send
armies against the Creeks, thus making them the
aggressors in the eyes of the other states. Then, too, he
was getting his revenge; well might he now gloat over his
"cause of triumph, in bringing these conquerors of the
old masters of the new world, as they call themselves, to
bend and supplicate for peace at the feet of a people
whom shortly before they despised and marked out for
destruction." His diplomatic victory at the Rock Landing
was unquestionably the most important event in the life
of this great chieftain. His star was now in its zenith.
He was indeed and in truth the Great Chieftain of the
Creeks.

CHAPTER 7

SPANISH AND BRITISH INTRIGUES

THE FALL OF McGILLIVRAY

BUT the refusal of McGillivray to sign the dotted line at
BRock Landing was not the signal for the federal govern-
Bment to rush armies into the Creek country. President
Washington first considered the matter, and after an
investigation as to the distance inland the armies would
have to march and the supplies be transported, he found
that the campaign would cost at least fifteen million
dollars. He found it would

SPANISH AND BRITISH INTRIGUES

be much cheaper to buy McGillivray. Colonel Marinus
Willett was thus despatched to McGillivray on a
confidential mission with an invitation for McGillivray
to visit the President. The upshot was the treaty of New
York in which McGillivray was given a commission as
Brigadier General, and other emoluments for himself and
six of his trusty chieftains, and the return to the
Creeks of the Tallassee country, the claim to the Oconee
lands to be relinquished by the Indians. McGillivray made
a most excellent bargain both for the Creeks and for
himself.

It now appeared that peace would reign along the Oconee
and that the settlers would not be afflicted with the
Creek Massacres and Spanish intrigues any longer, now
that McGillivray had formed an alliance with the American
Government. However, in this they were to be rudely
disappointed. Thoroughly alarmed at McGillivray's
diplomacy in turning to the United States, Spain began to
take steps towards counteracting this and ere long
McGillivray was drawing a salary of thirty-five hundred
dollars a year from that power. The establishment of the
trading post at Rock Landing by the federal government
about this time was another serious blow to both Spain
and to Panton, Leslie & Co., for while the former was
losing the enormous customs to which she had been
accustomed to collect on the goods destined for the Creek
nation, the latter was losing the great profits incident
to the Indian trade, for the post at Rock Landing was not
only selling goods cheaper but was paying the Indians
higher prices for their peltry.

Rock Landing was now an important center. Roads were
leading here from Augusta, Savannah by way of
Sandersville, and from both up and down the river on the
Georgia side. The trails leading across the Indian lands
were now more and more traveled as the Indians would
bring their produce to market and exchange it for
supplies and firewater. Traders with their packhorses
likewise were constantly passing to and fro along these
well defined trails. All of this the Spaniards viewed
with concern.

Although the treaty of New York was perhaps the best

possible settlement of the bloody dispute between Georgia
and the Indians yet it was very unpopular in Georgia.
They felt that President Washington had betrayed this
state in setting at naught the treaties of Augusta,
Galphinton and Shoulderbone and granting back to the
Indians the Tallassee country. Criticism galore was
heaped upon the chief executive. He was burned in effigy
and other indignities heaped upon him, notwithstanding
the fact that a careful examination of all the facts
leading up to and surrounding the executing of these
treaties might not redound altogether to the glory of the
Empire State of the South.

For a time it seemed that peace would now reign along the
Oconee, but no sooner had McGillivray been pacified, than
new discordant elements appeared on the horizon. The
Spaniards had now redoubled their efforts to arouse the
Indians against the Georgians. In this they were aided in
one of the provisions of the treaty of New York which
provided that in October, 1791, delegations of the Creeks
should meet at the Rock Landing and in company with the
Americans should mark out the boundary line above the
south branch of the Oconee. Emissaries of the Spaniards
worked in concert with the traders of Panton, Leslie &
Co., and began to inflame the passions of the Indians
against the Georgians and sentiment was soon strong among
the Indians against the running of the line. Criticisms
of the treaty and of McGillivray, himself, began to break
out among the Creeks, and apparently he saw the
handwriting on the wall for when the date set for the
tracing of the line arrived, he found some excuse to
absent himself.

About this time an entirely new element was added to the
already complicated international and domestic situation.
Hitherto, from the close of the Revolution it appeared
that Great Britain had abandoned all intrigue with their
old Creek allies. It is true Panton, Leslie & Co. was a
British firm and purchased the greater part of their
merchandise in England but up to this time the traders of
this firm among the Creeks seems to have devoted their
activities towards influencing the na

SPANISH AND BRITISH INTRIGUES

tives in favor of the Spaniards. But Panton, Leslie & Co.
having antagonized Lord Dunmore, the latter set about
taking revenge. He soon found a most willing and
competent tool in William A. Bowles, who as a Tory from
Maryland had seen service during the Revolution among the
Lower Creek tribes. Furnished with supplies by Dunmore he
appeared among the Seminoles, the tribe which still
claimed this section, claiming to be Emperor of the
Creeks. Quickly allying many of the Tories and Seminoles
to his side he rose rapidly in influence among the whole
Creek nation. Taking advantage of the terms of the treaty
of New York he played upon the prejudices of the Indians
and soon had alienated a large portion of the Creeks from
their absolute domination by McGillivray. Promising the
Indians the return of the British and a resumption of the
rich presents which that nation had been accustomed to
bestow upon the Indians he was soon a factor not to be
despised.

Although he hated Georgia as much as did McGillivray and
in arousing the Indians against this state he was playing
into the hands of Spain, yet he also hated Spain with a
still greater hatred, if possible, and lost no
opportunity to injure that power. Added to this was his
deadly hatred for Panton, Leslie & Co., whose ships he
loved to capture, and whose rich stores he loved to loot
with his bands of red warriors. Absolutely fearless and a
born leader, Bowles was a leader after the Indians' own
hearts. He possessed that which the great McGillivray
lacked in order to endear himself completely to the wild
savages, leadership in battle. The advent of this new
bold adventurer was thus threatening to overturn the
existing order of things and appeared to be giving Great
Britain the ascendancy in the great diplomatic battle
which was being waged between England, Spain, and America
for the Creek influence. The outcome of this diplomatic
warfare meant much to the peace of the Georgia frontiers.

Not only was Spain thoroughly alarmed at the situation
and began taking steps towards counteracting Bowles'
influence, but McGillivray, himself, shared in the
general

alarm, and he was not long in invoking the strong arm of
both Spain and the United States towards removing this
troublesome factor from the midst of the Indians.

The treaty of New York having provided that the line
between Georgia and the Indians should be marked out in
October, 1791, pressure began to be exerted on
McGillivray and the chiefs to perform this duty.

A new misunderstanding now arose concerning where the
line should strike the Oconee. The treaty provided that
the south branch of the Oconee and the Indians contended
that the north branch of the Oconee should be the line,
according to their understanding. They insisted that the
treaty had never been presented to the nation by
McGillivray for their ratification. Here was another
opportunity for Bowles and he was not long in availing
himself of it. Criticism and feeling against McGillivray
was rife throughout the Creek nation and his power began
to wane while the influence and power of Bowles was daily
growing stronger among the Creeks and was extending into
the Cherokee nation as well. Still another event which
encouraged the Indians to resist the running of the line
was the total defeat of St. Clair's army by the northern
Indians which caused the Creeks to hold the American
troops in less awe.

In the spring of 1792 the American government continued
its pressure upon McGillivray and in order to aid him in
overcoming the growing power of Bowles and having sent
two additional companies of soldiers to Rock Landing
together with considerable sums of money and merchandise
suitable for the Indians at the same time wrote
McGillivray that these federal forces were available for
his needs towards ridding the nation of Bowles, and that
the merchandise and money was for his use in
accomplishing the same purpose. (Indian Aff., Vol. I,
pages 246, 249, 254.)

About this time another event took place which for the
time being effected the purpose of removing Bowles but
not his influence. His repeated raids upon the Spaniards
in Florida had so incensed this power against him that by
strategem they succeeded in making him a prisoner, and he
was soon sent to

SPANISH AND BRITISH INTRIGUES

Havana. But the spirit of opposition to the running of
the line was kept alive by his numerous followers and the
influence of McGillivray was at an end. The treaty of New
York had proved his Waterloo.

While McGillivray was betraying the Americans on the one
hand, and perfidiously playing with the Spaniards on the
other, his tribesmen aware of his treachery towards these
two nations were losing confidence in him, and the Mad
Dog began to assume in a small way the greatly needed
leadership of the Upper Creeks. None knew the treachery
McGillivray was capable of better than the Mad Dog. He
was one of the few Indians who knew of the secret treaty
McGillivray entered into at New York with President
Washington.

None knew the weakness of McGillivray for entering into
treaties which would fill his personal pockets as did the
Mad Dog. We thus find him when in 1792 McGillivray was
making his plans to meet with the Americans at Rock
Landing for the purpose of running the boundary gathering
together a few strong chieftains and firmly refusing to
permit McGillivray to leave the nation.

At this time rumors were rife throughout the Creeks that
Bowles, who was still claiming to be emperor of the
Creeks would soon be in the nation, that England and the
U.S. would again be in war with each other.

While not an adherent of Bowles the Mad Dog realized what
it would mean for the nation to be worse divided on the
question of the line. Already Bowles was taking advantage
of the fact that the Creek nation was split asunder on
account of the treaty of New York and was using these
dissensions to unite the discordant elements against
McGillivray.

This act of the Mad Dog at the head of their other
chieftains might well be termed a peaceful revolution.
The reign of the erstwhile Indian monarch had ceased, in
spite of the fact that the United States continued to
recognize him as chief and was asking the Indians to
support him (Indian Aff. p. 301).

McGillivray, now, no longer able to wield his author

ity over his people was forced to see the powerful Creek
nation slip back into a bedlam of confusion, to split
into factions led by petty chieftains; himself to lose
utterly the confidence of the American authorities as
well as that of the Spanish. Small wonder that this once
powerful monarch to whose nation the hills and vales of
Wilkinson belonged should slip away and spend the few
remaining months of his life in seclusion at Pensacola,
dying in February, 1793.

The death of McGillivray left the Creek nation in a
terrible condition - great famine was stalking the land,
and the American government ignoring the intermittent
warfare which this nation had been waging for years
against the Georgia and Tennessee frontiers was supplying
them with corn. Bowles had returned from his captivity in
Madrid and renewed his claim as emperor of the whole
Creek nation, and now that his erstwhile rival was no
more it appeared that his aspirations would meet with
success. To aid him in his designs the British had sent
Shawnee emissaries throughout the Creek nation promising
them the aid of the British in a war against the
Americans. For months Capt. Oliver had been disseminating
Spanish propaganda among the nation and the Pensacola
arsenal was supplying the Creek as well as the Cherokee

nation with arms and munitions to such a degree that they
were better armed than the Georgia militia.

Added to this, a spirit of jealousy had been created
between the Georgia militia and the federal troops on her
border, and a feeling of contempt on the part of the
people of Georgia for the federal officials located in
the state, so much so that at times serious clashes were
narrowly averted and even Seagrove's life was threatened.

CHAPTER 8

INDIAN WAR CLOUDS GATHERING

IN the meantime, Seagrove had been appointed superinten-

Ident of Indian affairs for the Creeks and established
his Iheadquarters at Rock Landing from which place he
carried on an extensive correspondence with the Creek
chieftains.

The continued efforts of Seagrove towards getting the
Indians to meet him at Rock Landing bore some fruit and
in May, 1792, a body of two hundred Creeks met him there.
Nothing of benefit was accomplished at this meeting.
Instead

of this remedying the situation it had the effect of
aggravating it, as the large number of hunting parties of
Indians gathered near the frontiers began to be
troublesome to the settlers. Thieving bands would cross
the Oconee and steal horses and cattle. The losers began
to complain to Seagrove and were on the verge of
attacking the Indians. Seagrove set off along the Indian
trail leading through this county down the Oconee during
the month of June. From one Indian camp to another he
went collecting the stolen property and restoring all he
could to the owners. Though the plundering bands were
almost daily occurrences for the time being the whites of
Washington county were doing all in their power to avert
a general Indian war which was appearing more and more
imminent.

In July of 1792 two hundred Creeks without any invitation
from the federal authorities returned to the Rock Landing
for a conference, for the purpose of calling a meeting of
the Creeks to be held at St. Mary's. Again the presence
of the Indians on this frontier resulted in trouble
between the Georgians and the Indians.  Col. Samuel
Alexander, the famous Indian fighter of Greene county
came to the Rock Landing, and while there had a
difficulty with Charles Weatherford, the brother-in-law
of McGillivray. Numerous other difficulties arose before
the Indians returned to the nation.

It was during this month that Captain Benjamin Harrison
had six horses stolen from him by the Uchees at Carr's
Bluff in Washington county. As they year 1792 wore on,
the discord among the Indians continued to grow in
violence. Spain was now more strongly than ever trying to
carry into effect her plans of allying the four great
Indian nations, the Creeks, the Cherokees, the Chickasaws
and the Choctaws into a confederacy. Arms, ammunition and
supplies were now poured into these nations and every
possible effort made to cultivate their friendship.
During 1792 a failure of the corn crop brought the Creek
nation almost to the verge of starvation and President
Washington supplied them with ten thousand bushels of
corn. But even this could not keep their

INDIAN WAR CLOUDS GATHERING

warriors from attacking the frontiers of Georgia.

The clouds of war continued to gather as the year 1792
wore on. The state of Georgia was bending every possible
effort towards preparing for the inevitable conflict, a
struggle which threatened to involve not only Spain but
also England. South Carolina thoroughly alarmed at the
impending struggle, recognizing that her own frontiers
were in danger of feeling the weight of the Red invasion
hurriedly put her thousands of militia on a war basis,
and prepared to rush them at a moment's warning to the
aid of her sister state. At the same time her governor
was writing a most urgent letter to President Washington
informing him of the dire peril with which Georgia was
being confronted. (Ind. Affairs, Vol. I, 316.)

Not only did the frontiersmen depend on their forts for
protection but so great became the destruction from the
Indians that it became necessary for patrols and spies to
be sent across the river into this county for the purpose
of keeping acquainted with the whereabouts of the
attacking parties of the red men. The old Indian trail
leading down the Oconee River now came in handy for the
border patrols, as any skulking band of warriors were
compelled to cross this path in order to get to the
settlements and their horses would have to leave a trail
which the patrol would be sure to discover. Ever on the
alert for signs of the enemy, these patrols would daily
ride up and down this old trail. Others would penetrate
still farther on the trails that led to the Indian towns.
Woe to the hapless Indian that fell into the hands of
these patrols. So great was the desire for revenge on the
part of the Georgians that they were not particular from
what town the Indian came, whether friendly or otherwise.
One of these rangers was the son of Major David Adams of
Hancock County. The major on one occasion stated to a
federal officer that these rangers would "kill any they
saw, let their tribe on business be what it would."
(American State Papers, Indian Affairs Vol. I, p. 414.)

The critical conditions of this section was soon realized
by President Washington and the federal government began
pouring arms and ammunition into the arsenals of the

state. Washington requested Governor Telfair of Georgia
not to permit offensive expeditions against the Creeks,
on account of the delicate state of our relations with
foreign nations. During the spring of 1793 conditions
were rapidly growing worse. Many frontiersmen were
leaving their homes. Others built forts on their own
lands and armed not only their families but their slaves.
(Ind. Aff. Vol. I, page 420.) The unbearable situation
was such that the Georgia militiamen could no longer be
restrained from punitive expeditions. An Indian raid into
Washington county near Car's Bluff on the 18th of April,
1793, resulted in the death and scalping of William Pugh,
the capture of a negro and four horses by the Indians. In
May so great became the carnage and havoc in every
direction on the frontier that the governor found it
necessary to call out bodies of the Georgia militia and
assemble them on Shoulderbone Creek in Hancock county, at
the same time urging the Secretary of War to rush forward
thousands of stands of more arms and supplies. General
Irwin hurriedly erected forts at Carr's Bluff, Long
Bluff, White Bluff and other places.

Rumors about this time came to the ears of the imperiled
frontiersmen that John Galphin, now a chief of the
warlike Coweta tribe, had started on the warpath with
five hundred braves, that he would unite his forces with
the Seminoles under King Paine and would sweep the white
settlements from the Oconee to the Ogeechee. His deadly
hatred for the people of Washington county whom he had
once saved but whom he had charged with mistreating him
was well known, and this county must now feel the weight
of his vengeance. The warlike character of the Seminoles
was also well known and the great dread seized upon the
Georgians.

A FLOOD AS AN ALLY

At this juncture when it seemed no power on earth could
prevent the bloody tragedy which was approaching, a new
ally came to the aid of the fear-stricken frontiersmen,
in the form of Nature. Terrific rains began to fall and
continued with such force that the Oconee became a raging
torrent forming a wall of defense which the red warriors
could not

INDIAN WAR CLOUDS GATHERING

pass. For weeks the floods continued and the rage of the
Indians seems to have slightly abated. (Ind. Aff. Vol. I,
pp 368-369.)

CHICKASAW WAR

Still another ally came to the aid of the hard pressed
Georgians. Piomingo, the great Chickasaw warrior, was
engaged in a quarrel with Efau Haujo, the Mad Dog of the
Tuckabatchees, who was apparently the leading figure in
the Creek nation. The Americans grasping this opportunity
to distract the attention of the Creeks from the
Georgians and the Cumberland settlements encouraged
Piomingo; Seagrove encouraged Efau Haujo with promises of
aid. The Mad Dog's brother was slain by the Chickasaws
and the war between two Indian nations burst with a fury
seldom equalled in the annals of Indian's warfare.

The English and Spanish had overlooked the fact that at
least some of the Americans could play the diplomatic
game as well as the master diplomats of Europe. Suddenly
their house of cards through American machinations
tumbled. Instead of the powerful alliance of the four
great Indian nations the Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws,
and Choctaws and a combined attack with the fifteen or
twenty thousand warriors they could bring into the field,
there came the news of the outbreak of war between the
Creeks and Chickasaws. Quickly the Choctaws aligned
themselves on the part of the Chickasaws. It was thought
the Cherokees would ally themselves with the Creeks. And
thus almost overnight it appeared there were the four
great southern Indian nations arrayed against each other.
However, the Cherokees partly by Spanish interference,
partly by sad memory of a previous disastrous war with
the embattled Chickasaws did not rush to the aid of the
Creeks. Likewise Spanish influence seems to have affected
the hostility of the Choctaws. In addition to this the
Cussetah tribe of the Creeks claimed ancient friendship
with the Chickasaws and could not enter a war against
them.

KING PAYNE MAKES PEACE

In the meantime the federal agent, Seagrove, was not
idle. Aware of the traditional hatred of the Seminoles
for the Spaniards which had existed from the days when as
Oconee their town had been burned by the Spaniards on the
Oconee River, he began overtures of peace with Payne. A
treaty with this chieftain meant much to this section,
for he grudgingly yielded allegiance to the Creek nation
except when it pleased him. Though he and his tribe lived
in Florida yet the Creeks acknowledged that the Seminoles
owned the lands below the Rock Landing. Thus this tribe
as an ally would be not only worth much to the Georgians
along the Oconee but their domicile being in Florida and
Payne having a penchant for fighting Spaniards, they
would be a thorn in the side of Spain. Though Payne made
peace, yet the war along the Oconee was continued by the
other Indians.

CHAPTER 9

EXPEDITIONS

AGAINST THE INDIANS

SO great was the alarm during the spring and early summer
Sof 1793 that the governor of Georgia determined upon
Ssending an expedition against the Indians. Thus on June
8th, Major General Twiggs, with Brigadier Generals Irwin,
Clark, and Blackburn, led a force of 750 men comprising
450 mounted and 300 foot across the Oconee at Rock
Landing and took up the line of march for the Indian
country. Col. Gaither gave them information as to which
were the hostile towns. The route taken, however, led to
the Buzzard Roost and had they succeeded in reaching the
Indian country it is extremely

EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS

probable that peaceful towns would have been attacked
thus aggravating the almost unbearable situation. The
expedition marched across the distance separating the
Oconee and Ocmulgee and after crossing the latter river
built a fort. General Irwin was ordered by General Twiggs
to command detachments of cavalry and march to the Uchee
village on the Flint River and seize the head men of the
town.

Before this order could be executed, it seems that
dissension arose among the officers and men. Too many
generals appear to have been one trouble, lack of
discipline and a refusal to yield themselves to authority
another. The result was that a mutinous spirit took
possession of a majority of the officers and men and they
returned home forcing the others to do likewise without
striking a blow. Major Gaither criticised this expedition
in the strongest of terms, reporting to the War
Department that Twiggs' command had been in open
rebellion against the general government ever since
November, 1792, violating the Indian treaty, firing their
rifles at the sign of the President, etc. (Ind. Af. Vol.
I, p. 422.)

The effect the utter failure of this expedition would
have upon the Indians was much dreaded for the time
being, as it was thought it would inspire contempt for
the Georgia forces and would be the incentive of fresh
attacks upon the Georgia frontier. To counteract this, a
letter was sent by the federal authorities to the Indians
stating the President had commanded the soldiers of
Georgia to return. The Indians now began to be alarmed,
the Georgia militia having come so near them. All the
more so as a new report began to be circulated throughout
the Indian nation that Elijah Clarke was raising an army
of 2,500 men to march against them. Having had bitter
experience with this general, they felt they had an enemy
to dread.

BENJAMIN HARRISON

In the meantime the Washington countians along the
Oconee, opposite this section did not take kindly to
these Indian forays, but one expedition after another was
sent into this country to overtake the Indian raiders.

Chiefest of these was Benjamin Harrison of Washington
county who believed in the doctrine of "an eye for an
eye". Living opposite of Carr's Bluff, his own and his
neighbor's plantations often bore the brunt of Uchee
raids. Time after time his horses were stolen, his cows
killed, his neighbors scalped.

Harrison had no compunctions against giving direct to the
Indian town and taking redress. We thus find that in 1792
having lost six horses he called together his command and
set out to the Indian nation across this section.
Arriving at their towns on the Flint, he was promised by
the Uchee king and the Cussetah king they would help him
get his horses. At another time having had a horse stolen
and a cow killed by the Uchees, he gave chase with his
command, overtaking them, and had a skirmish with them
taking three of their guns. The Uchees in a rage returned
to the nation and began raising a force to return and
take vengeance upon Captain Harrison. However, through
the influence of Timothy Barnard who had married a Uchee
squaw they were induced to delay their hostile
expedition. Barnard wrote to Harrison explaining the
situation and asked him to give the Indians back their
guns, which he did. (Indian Aff. 309.)

Captain Stokes in command at Long Bluff lost two horses
in September, 1793. He immediately pursued them with his
command, overtaking them as they were crossing the
Ocmulgee. Stokes' men rushed down upon the Indians
killing one outright and mortally wounding two others.
Not only were the two stolen horses recovered but another
horse and four guns were taken. (I.A. 372.)

THE CHEHAW INDIANS DEFEAT MAJOR BRENTON'S EXPEDITION

In October, 1793, to take revenge for stolen horses, a
body of 200 mounted militia from Washington county, under
Captains Harrison, Stokes, Kitchian, Irwin, Carson,
Wilbern, and Hampton, all under the command of Major
Brenton, set out from Carr's Bluff for the Indian nation
in defiance of the

EXPEDITIONS AGAINST THE INDIANS

authority of General Irwin who ordered them to return.
Their destination was the Chehaw village, on the Flint
river where they expected to find many runaway negroes
and other stolen property. Arriving opposite the Chehaw
town they started to ford the river when the Indians
discovering them opened a fierce attack upon them.
Although the Indians were only sixteen in number with
four negroes aiding them, all the rest of the warriors
being in Florida hunting, the advantage was with the
defenders. In the face of a galling fire the whites had
to cross the river; the number of the Indians, was
unknown and the dreaded Indian ambush should they succeed
in crossing was another danger. Two whites were killed
and two others wounded before they gave up the attempt to
capture the town. Three of the Indians were wounded.
(I.A. pp. 415, 468-469.)

In the meantime changes had been taking place in the
federal garrison stationed at Rock Landing. Following the
attempted treaty there with McGillivray in 1789, Captain
Savage with fifty-five men were placed there for the
protection of Georgia against the whole Creek nation and
Spanish forces in the Floridas. In October, 1791, two
additional companies were sent  there, all then under the
command of Major Call who had been ordered to join the
main army.

In the spring of 1793 Fort Fidius was built a short
distance from Rock Landing and in April of that year the
stores and guard from the Rock Landing were moved to Fort
Fidius. (Ind. Aff. p. 257.) A few months later Seagrove
moved his headquarters to the new fort.

Another change took place as to the crossing of the
river. Formerly it seemed that the main crossing was at
the Rock Landing but about this time a new crossing known
as Tom's Ford located three miles above Fort Fidius was
becoming more and more used. The name of this seems to
have been given it by reason of the fact that a Cussetah
Indian named Tom was serving as courier for Seagrove,
bearing messages to and from the Creek nation and used
this fording place.

CHAPTER 10

THE ADAMS INSURRECTION

WHILE we regard the years 1861-1865 as the period Wduring
which Georgia had seceded from the Union, Wyet, during
the years from 1790 to 1794, the state of Georgia was in
almost open defiance of federal authority; Federal
garrisons were being regarded as much inimical to the
interests of the Georgians as the Indians themselves and
the first time in history that the militia of any state
might be termed to have ever arrayed themselves against
the American flag after the adoption of the Constitution
was when the Georgia militia of Hancock county under the
leadership of Major

THE ADAMS INSURRECTION

David Adams in May, 1794, defied the Federal authorities
and threatened to storm Fort Fidius for the purpose of
seizing and executing thirty Indians who had taken refuge
in the fort seeking protection from the infuriated
frontiersmen of Hancock, and the demonstration was staged
on the soil of Wilkinson county.

At this Hancock county embraced the territory along the
east banks of the Oconee adjacent to the present city of
Milledgeville and extending down the river near Fort
Fidius whose federal garrison was commanded by Captain
Richard Brooks Roberts.

All along the Oconee there existed in the hearts of the
settlers a bitter, undying hatred for the savages who for
years had waged unceasing warfare upon the scattered
settlements lying near the river. Massacres of
defenseless women and children, burnings of homes and the
carrying away of their property had been felt by so many
that every Indian was regarded as an enemy. The Federal
government, though setting at nought the treaties which
Georgia had entered into with the Indians, and in doing
so inspired in the red men a contempt for the Georgia
officials, yet with its handful of troops in a few
garrisons was able to offer no protection against the
marauding bands. Hence, Georgia was forced to organize
the border counties into military units which could
quickly assemble at some appointed place whenever the
Indian alarms were given. Time after time these mounted
commands were called on to rush to the aid of their
beleaguered neighbors, sometimes to pursue the red
warriors over the Oconee, and occasionally into the very
heart of the Creek nation before punishment could be
inflicted upon them. Hancock had suffered her full share
of Indian horrors and her trained militia had the well-
earned reputation of being rough and ready fighters.
Hancock could not have selected a braver or more
determined man than David Adams to command these
defenders of the frontiers. Born in South Carolina only
nine years before the Revolution began yet before it
ended he was serving in a campaign under General
Henderson against the

British and Tories. Here in Hancock we find him when the
apparent incompetency of some of the federal officials in
Georgia and their utter disregard to the protection of
the Georgia frontiers were inspiring in the minds of a
large class of people a contempt for federal authority.

Though the federal Agent, Seagrove, had entered into a
treaty of peace with the Creeks in November, 1793, and
Indian depredations along the Oconee had almost ceased
since that time, yet the people of Georgia put no faith
in the promises of the Indians. The years of the double-
dealing of the great Indian chieftain, McGillivray had
destroyed all faith in this race.

In the face of the innumerable dangers which might
reasonably result through the presence of a large body of
Indians on the frontier, Seagrove very unwisely invited
the Indians to come in full force and spend their time in
hunting between the Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers while he,
with Efau Haujo and other chieftains journeyed to Augusta
"to brighten the chain of friendship with the Georgia
governor." Great crowds of them came, pitching their main
camp on the west side of the Oconee opposite Fort Fidius,
and near the present boundary of Wilkinson and Baldwin
counties.

The Indians arrived about April 25th, and trouble was not
long in brewing. A band of Indians on May 2nd crossed the
Oconee and stole some horses near Sparks Station in
Franklin county. The alarm was given and pursuit of the
outlaw band was started. Their trail led towards the High
Shoals of the Apalachy passing near the fort which had
been built by the Georgians and was manned by Georgia
militia under Lieutenant Hay. Here, the pursuers were re-
inforced by Lieutenant Hay and his dragoons and the
pursuit resumed. For fifteen miles into the Indian
country the Indians lured the Georgia militia, then
doubling back on their trail and selecting the proper
spot they laid the ambush which Hay with his dragoons and
the other militia rode headlong into. It was the old
scheme of the Indians luring the pursuing forces
sufficiently far so that reinforcements could not arrive,
and then posting their war

THE ADAMS INSURRECTION

riors in the shape of a half moon so that their foemen
would be almost surrounded when the deadly warwhoop
should be the signal for the volleys from the rifles of
the hidden warriors. In this the Indians were successful.
Lieutenant Hay and two of his soldiers were killed
outright and another wounded. Thrown into confusion by
the suddenness of the attack and the loss of their
leader, the Georgians were soon forced to retreat.
However, during the action the Indians' horses becoming
frightened at the noise of the conflict, stampeded and
seven of them, including one of the stolen horses, were
captured by the Georgians and brought off the field and
back to the settlements.

No sooner had they arrived than rumors began to fly thick
and fast of a general Indian uprising. Runners were sent
quickly along the exposed territory bearing the dreaded
news. Dispatches from the Indian towns reported three
tribes on the warpath. The militia began to assemble.
Couriers were also dispatched to Augusta acquainting
Governor Matthews of the attack. The danger in which the
Indian chieftains who were then at Augusta found
themselves was so great that the governor at once started
them towards their homes under a strong guard commanded
by no less a person than General Glascock. And the route
to the Indian nation led by way of Fort Fidius through
Hancock county.

In the meantime the militia was beginning to cross the
Oconee for the purpose of attacking the Indians wherever
found. On May 8, a detachment discovering the Dog King of
the Cussetahs on Little River in Putnam county hunting
with his brother, opened fire, wounding the king but both
Indians escaped into the swamp.

None of the militia were more infuriated than that of
Hancock county. Major Adams collected 150 men and at
their head crossed the Oconee with the avowed intention
of killing every Indian that fell into his hands.

Though the greater portion of the Indians encamped
opposite Fort Fidius was in the woods hunting, having
left their horses, saddles and other equipment in the
main camp,

news of the happenings soon reached them. Timothy Barnard
arriving on the scene in advance of the forces of General
Glascock guarding the Indian chieftains, and learning of
what had occurred and knowing the mood the Georgia
militia was in, on May 9th ordered all the Indians to
return to their homes at once. Many set out immediately
but a considerable number remained. About ten o'clock on
May 10th, Major Adams and his Hancock avengers arriving
opposite Fort Fidius swooped down upon the Indian
encampment without a moment's warning, firing as they
charged. Though surprised at the sudden onslaught of the
infuriated Georgians the Indians having no time in which
to prepare a defense against the overwhelming numbers,
yet they did not retire from their camp until they had
offered a short, sharp resistance, mortally wounding one
of Adams' command, and then quietly slipping into the
swamp carrying with them one of their own number slightly
wounded, their only casualty. Ten of the fleeing Indians
crossed the Oconee and took refuge in Fort Fidius
expecting to be protected by the federal garrison. Major
Adams' forces proceeded to seize the Indian horses,
saddles and other property as spoils of war.

In the meantime the noise of the firing had aroused the
federal garrison at Fort Fidius and Captain Roberts
evidently recognizing that it was unquestionably the
Georgia militia wreaking vengeance for the death of
Lieutenant Hay and his two dragoons, sent one of the
officers in the fort, Dr. Frederick Dalcho, across the
river to investigate. Dr. Dalcho's written report as
taken from American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I,
page 484, gives us a very vivid picture of what occurred.
It is as follows:

"In consequence of an order from Richard Brooke Roberts,
captain commander, to ascertain the cause of the firing
that was heard over the river, I crossed this morning for
the purpose.

"On rising out of the canebrake, I saw two different
parties of militia; the one on the edge of the canebrake,
employed in plundering the Indian camp; the other at some

THE ADAMS INSURRECTION

considerable distance, on this hill. I inquired for the
commanding officer, whom I found to be Major Adams. I
demanded, in the name of the United States, the cause of
their attacking the Indians, who were on a friendly
visit, with Major Seagrove, at this post, and while they
were under the protection of the United States?

He told me, that, in consequence of the death of
Lieutenant Hay, on the Apalachy, he had raised one
hundred fifty men, to pursue and destroy any party of
Indians he might gain intelligence of; that an Indian who
was wounded at that time was now in our garrison, under
the care of the surgeon, from which supposed he was one
of the party who are now here, and that he was determined
not to return until the whole of them were killed; that
he would advance to the mouth of the cannon, and take
them from the fort; for he was able to do it. I assured
Major Adams that the wounded Indian had not been at our
garrison since the accident happened. I demanded Mr.
Barnard's horses. This brought on the most bitter
exclamations from a number of them, particularly Major
Adams, who swore he would rather kill Barnard than an
Indian; for he had given a pass to the Indians who killed
Lieutenant Hay, certifying that they were friendly
disposed towards this country; that this pass was found
sticking up on a sapling, over the dead body. He told me
that Mr. Barnard's horses should not be taken; when a
number of his men exclaimed, that it was the lives of the
Indians they wanted, and not their property;
notwithstanding which, I discovered several of them with
Indian horses, rifles, skins, etc. Mr. Barnard's negro
boy, who was with me, was threatened by a number of men.
I was further informed, that the Big King, and the rest
of the chiefs who are now on their return from Augusta,
where they have been on a visit to the Governor, should
be killed; that they should make no distinction of
tribes. I told them it was in vain to talk so, for the
Governor had given assurances to Major Seagrove that they
should be escorted by a strong guard, under the command
of Brigadier General Glascock. Some of them immediately
replied, that they could raise more men than General
Glascock,

and would take them. I heard several of them mention,
that a party, under Colonel Lamar, were on their way
down, on this side of the river. One of the militia
received a ball through his belly, which I believe will
prove mortal; the loss of the Indians is not yet known;
one only was seen to fall, who crept into the canebrake.
Just before I left them Major Adams swore he would have
hair before tomorrow night; and that Brigadier General
Clarke had marched against the Creek towns. "Given under
my hand, at Fort Fidius, this 10th day of May, 1794."

The situation of the garrison at Fort Fidius was now most
desparate. No one in the fort doubted for a moment that
Major Adams would make good his threat and either storm
the fort or by siege force a surrender in order to get
the Indians therein.

The fort was in no condition to be defended against the
odds that could easily be brought against it should the
pent up anger of the Georgians be directed against it.
The thirty Indians who had taken refuge in it, instead of
being a help in the impending assault, would only the
more enrage the Georgians should they be used to prevent
the capture of the fort. The sixty-nine soldiers in the
fort could not long hope to hold at bay Major Adams'
superior numbers who were momentarily expecting the
arrival of the reinforcements of Col. Lamar's contingents
from Hancock county. Thus in the heart of a hostile
country surrounded on all sides by the families and
friends of those who were on the verge of storming the
fort who could possibly bring thousands more to reinforce
Adams; added to this the fact that the fort was located
three hundred yards from a supply of drinking water which
made it especially vulnerable in case of a siege, well
might Captain Roberts worry over his predicament.

To add still more to the worries of the harassed
commandant there was the almost assured probability that
Efau Haujo and the other Creek chieftains would be
attacked and slain, so great was the anger of the people.
Rumors also arrived that bodies of militia had already
started to invade the Creek country. These acts must
unquestionably bring ten

THE ADAMS INSURRECTION

thousand Creek warriors into the field in a general
Indian war. In such event even although he should be able
to defend the fort successfully against the assaults or
siege of Major Adams, yet being on the frontier this must
necessarily be one of the first places to be attacked by
the Indian hordes.

Couriers were at once despatched to the War Department
acquainting the Secretary of War of the desperate
situation Fort Fidius was in and assuring the War
Department that the fort would be defended to the last.
Weeks must elapse though before these messages could
reach the capital and Captain Roberts could expect no
succor from that source. At the same time messages were
sent toward Augusta to intercept General Glascock who was
now enroute with the Creek chieftains, advising him of
what might be expected should he continue his course by
way of Fort Fidius. However, there was no assurance that
any of the despatches would ever reach their destination
as messages sent the following day were intercepted by
armed men. (Ind. Aff. Vol. I, p. 486.)

Captain Roberts now determined to spirit the Indians out
of the fort and across the river before Major Adams could
post guards all along the river banks. Although some of
the Indians wanted to remain and help protect their
chiefs they were induced to depart. These had not been
long gone before Long Tom, a prominent Cussetah courier,
and very friendly to the whites, arrived at the fort with
two other Indians, having in some manner crossed the
river without being discovered by Adams' men. These two
were hustled across the river to safety a short time
before the guards were posted. Not knowing of the escape
of all the Indians Major Adams posted a cordon of men
along the Oconee that night to intercept every Indian
that might attempt to cross.

In the meantime the couriers had reached General Glascock
with the news from Fort Fidius. Instead of pursuing his
line of march by that point he altered it and during the
night he was successful in getting his Indian chieftain
charges safely across the Oconee at White Bluff, fifteen
miles below Fort Fidius, where taking another path across
what is now Wilkinson

county they continued their way to their homes without
mishap. The departure of all the Indians from the
frontiers seems to have allayed the wrath of the Georgia
militia and no further demonstrations were made against
the fort.

While the escape of all the Indians in the fort as well
as the safe arrival of the Indian chieftains into their
own country on the night of the 10th of May greatly
lessened the danger the garrison at Fort Fidius was
facing yet the morning of the 11th found the
communications of the fort with Savannah now cut and
armed men standing guard. The courier bearing despatches
to the Secretary of War acquainting him of the escape of
the Indians, seeing the hostile party returned to the
fort, and thus saved his despatches.

To the surprise of not only the federal authorities but
to the Georgians as well, the events which had just
transpired did not bring on an Indian war against the
frontiers of Georgia. The reasons for this are obvious,
however. Prior to this the Indians considered the federal
authority supreme and had no respect for the authority of
Georgia. But now they had experienced the temper of the
Georgia frontiersmen, and had seen them in such a rage
that the soldiers, the cannon and the forts of Longknife
(Congress) furnished no refuge. The erstwhile respect and
awe for the Georgians which Elijah Clarke and other
Georgians had inspired years before now returned. Efau
Haujo and other able chiefs had talked with Governor
Matthews and the precautions taken by the Governor to
have them safely escorted to their lands seems to have
made a favorable impression on them. The years following
found fewer Indian troubles along the Oconee than had
been since the white settlements had first been made.

As for Major Adams and his Hancock militia, they returned
to their homes and nothing further was said about their
having violated the federal laws. For years he remained
one of the most prominent and respected men of that
county, serving in the legislature. Later when the Indian
lands west of

the Oconee were opened for settlement he removed into
what is now Jasper county where he continued to serve the
state. The legislature in recognition of his ability
elected him Brigadier General and later Major General. He
commanded an expedition against the Indians in the War of
1812 and distinguished himself in the battles fought in
Alabama. Still later he served as one of the
commissioners for Georgia in acquiring the Indian lands
lying between the Ocmulgee and the Flint rivers.

(American State Papers, Indian Aff. Vol I, pp. 482 et
seq., Cyclopedia of Georgia.)

CHAPTER 11

CLARKE'S EXPEDITION AGAINST FLORIDA

IT would seem that the territory which was later to
become IWilkinson County has never had a more interesting
period Ithan during these years. Not only was it the bone
of contention in the British, Spanish, and Indian
intrigues and the scene of warfare between the Georgia
frontiersmen and the Creek Indians, but in April and the
early part of May, 1794, it was on this soil that the
adherents of Elijah Clarke from Georgia and South
Carolina collected for the memorable expedition against
the Spaniards. And along the old Indian trail down the
west side of the Oconee marched this redoubtable veteran
of the Revolution at the head of his band of Sans
Culottes, Georgians and South Carolinians, but now flying
the French flag, en route to the St. Mary's from which
place after

being reinforced by the French fleets they planned to lay
siege to St. Augustine and seize all Florida for the
French.

These years found pandemonium not only evident along the
Oconee but ruling the whole civilized world. Europe stood
aghast at the victorious progress of the apparently
invincible armies of the new French Republic, and in fear
was uniting against France. Likewise the newly
constituted American Republic with Washington at the head
was sharing in the general chaos, as on all sides were
rampant insurrections, threats of secession, revolts
against Federal authority, foreign intrigues, treachery
of public servants, sectional jealousies, disastrous
Indian wars, and the constant threat of wars with foreign
nations which looked with contempt upon the new
government.

Chiefest among these was Spain whose East and West
Florida and Louisiana colonies were a constant irritant
to the southern and western settlers, forbidding the
settlers west of the Alleghanies the right to transport
their products down the Mississippi to market, a right,
which in the day before the advent of the railroad
destroyed all progress for these western American
settlements. For years clashes between the western
settlers and the Spanish settlements had been frequent
recurrences and more than once there had been threats of
an invasion and the seizure of the Spanish colonies.
Added to this the bulk of the Indian trade had been
diverted through Spanish ports.

But Georgia considered herself more aggrieved than any
other section. Her boundaries as fixed by the treaty of
Paris following the close of the Revolution conflicted
with the claims of Spain, and Spanish troops were
stationed at Natchez and Fort Panmure in Georgia's
Mississippi territory, and no amount of peaceable
persuasion could induce them to remove. Added to this,
Spanish agents were constantly among the Cherokees, the
Creeks, and other tribes stirring the Indians to
hostility against the Georgians, and for years had kept
the Georgia frontiers in a continuous state of war, with
massacres frequently occurring, and there was ever the
constant threat of

CLARKE'S EXPEDITION AGAINST FLORIDA

the uniting of all the tribesmen with the Spaniards in a
general war of extermination of the whole state, not an
idle threat, for it was well known that the arsenals at
Pensacola, St. Augustine, New Orleans and elsewhere were
supplying the Indians with all the arms and ammunition
they needed. Three companies of cavalry had been
organized and equipped among the Cherokee Indians for
service whenever the expected war between Spain and
America should break out, and it was revealed to the
American authorities that as a whole the Indian tribesmen
were better armed and equipped than the Georgia militia,
who thoroughly alarmed at the impending dangers were
hurriedly being prepared for the defense of the state.
Protests to the Spanish authorities over their acts were
treated with contempt. War with the Indians appearing
inevitable, the American government through its
representatives at Madrid made an inquiry as to whether,
in case of a war between the United States and the
Indians, Spain would take sides with the Indians. The
equivocal reply convinced the people of Georgia and  the
United States of the designs of Spain. Sentiment in all
Georgia was that further forbearance was no longer a
virtue and was ready to welcome a war against both Spain
and the Indians. So strong was the feeling in Georgia
against the Spaniards that open threats were being made
that if the United States did not remove the Spaniards
from her soil, she would do so herself.

At just this moment when the tension in Georgia was
tightest the newly appointed French Minister, Genet,
landed at Charleston where he was accorded perhaps the
greatest ovation ever received by a foreign diplomat in
America. Especially were the South Carolinians vociferous
in their applause, for not only were many of the
inhabitants descended from the French Huguenots
enthusiastic over the success of the French Republicans,
but there was also evident the spirit of gratitude
towards the French people for the aid given in the
struggle for independence. Genet thus found sentiment
ripe for his plans of raising land and  sea forces with
which to attack the enemies of France. It was even said
that Governor Moultrie

was in sympathy with his schemes, until reminded by the
South Carolina Legislature that such a course would
conflict with the program of neutrality entered into by
the American government. In spite of the half-hearted
efforts put forth to prevent infractions against
neutrality, the preparations for the expedition against
the Spaniards were continued by the people of that state.
Threefold was the urge that kept this up; first, the
traditional hatred of the Spaniards for their
grandfathers had fought in Oglethorpe's wars with this
enemy; second, the gratitude to the French, and thirdly,
the desire for plunder.

It soon became apparent that large forces could easily be
raised in South Carolina and Georgia for the subjugation
of East Florida, and the next problem was the selection
of the leader of the expedition. Due to its geographical
situation, Georgia appeared the proper place from which
to select the leader, for it was necessary for the South
Carolina forces to march through Georgia to the place of
rendezvous on the St. Mary's and supplies would have to
be purchased in Georgia. The movement thus demanded as
its head a man popular with the Carolinians as well as
with the Georgians, a man powerful enough to overcome any
opposition that might be raised in Georgia. No man filled
all the qualifications needed as did Elijah Clarke. No
man in Georgia was more popular with the rank and file,
or who could rally a stronger following. His unparalleled
bravery as displayed on many a bloody battlefield in
South Carolina during the Revolution had endeared him to
the people of that state. The almost superstitious fear
with which the Indians regarded him would guarantee
passage across the Indian country without opposition and
could be counted on towards rallying them to his side.
Added to this was the fact that Clarke knew well the
country through which the expedition would have to march
en route to the rendezvous, for during the Revolution he
had marched at the head of his regiment of Wilkes county
cavalry through this very section in the expedition
against the British who then controlled Florida, and
fought as none other fought in the disastrous battle that
broke the spirit of the enterprise, falling

CLARKE'S EXPEDITION AGAINST FLORIDA

desparately wounded in the charge. No fitter man could
have been selected by Genet to lead the sans culottes.

Clarke was thus commissioned Major General at a salary of
ten thousand dollars per annum and steps were taken
towards organizing the adventurers who favored the
enterprise in both South Carolina and Georgia into
military units with officers at their head. It was
decided  to make St. Augustine the first objective where
the land forces would be supported in the siege by a
French fleet. Throughout the year 1793 the trusted agents
of Genet were busy in South Carolina and Georgia making
every preparation for the expedition. A report was
circulated in Georgia that Clarke was raising an army of
2,500 men with which to march against the Indians which
spread fear among the red tribesmen but the real intent
was probably known in Georgia and no effort was being
made to discourage the movement.

In the meantime, after having laid his plans in South
Carolina, Genet proceeded to the seat of the National
Government and was everywhere greeted with acclamations
of welcome. Sentiment throughout the nation was running
strong for an immediate alliance with France against her
enemies, and but for Washington's determination not to
risk a war at a time when this infant republic was in
such a weak condition the United States would probably
have become a party to the wars then raging. While the
United States made declarations of neutrality, yet there
was the unmistakable sympathy for France evident on many
sides. Openly it appeared that the administration was
trying to maintain a strict neutrality, but one cannot
read the American State Papers carefully without getting
the idea that Washington and his cabinet had their
fingers crossed all the time, and though cognizant of the
proposed expeditions, far from crushing, were secretly
encouraging them. We find Thomas Jefferson, while
Secretary of State, giving Michaux, one of the agents of
Genet, a letter of Introduction to the Governor of
Kentucky who was apparently in sympathy with the
expeditions against the Spanish Colonies on the
Mississippi. We further find him reminding Genet that a
little

explosion on the Mississippi would be welcomed by the
Americans as tending to convince Spain that it would be
wise to make a treaty with the United States. Likewise,
we find Genet's enterprises largely financed by payments
by the American Government, on the French debt before the
installments fell due. We are thus led to suspect that
Washington was not ignorant of the expedition against
East Florida.

During the year 1793 the recruiting was being continued.
In South Carolina William Tate, Jacob R. Brown, William
Urby, Robert Tate, Richard Speke, Stephen Drayton, and
John Hamilton were commissioned by Genet and actively
engaged in enlisting men, and organizing them into
battalions with officers to be commissioned according to
the number of men any individual could enlist. It was
planned to raise five thousand men. The pay of the
privates was to be 25 cents per day, rations, clothing
and a share in the plunder, and a share in the lands
conquered. A portion of the plunder according to the
plans were to belong to France. Many were almost ready to
depart for the place of rendezvous.

A new factor had, however, now entered. The ovations
accorded Genet and the successes of his enterprises
seemingly had gone to his head. His extreme demands upon
the American government were rapidly alienating the
friends of France. Thomas Jefferson, than whom France
never had a stauncher American friend, became indignant
at the insolence of Genet. Likewise, there was growing a
revulsion of sentiment in South Carolina, as the
conservative elements began to realize the seriousness of
the situation.

Thus in the early part of December, 1793, the South
Carolina legislature made an investigation of the rumors.
Resolutions were pased condemning the enterprise, a copy
of which was sent President Washington. Governor Moultrie
issued a proclamation forbidding the enrollment in the
undertaking by any of the inhabitants of that state. Upon
learning that the South Carolina authorities had arrested
a number of persons charging them with accepting
commissions from him, Genet wrote the Secretary of State
of the charge and

CLARKE'S EXPEDITION AGAINST FLORIDA

denied that he had authorized the recruiting as charged
but admitted commissioning some to go among the Indian
tribes and attack the Spaniards and English. Although
notified of the situation in South Carolina, yet it is a
striking fact that President Washington took no action at
all until the 15th of January, 1794, when he laid the
information before Congress.

In the meantime the disquieting news had reached Quesada,
the Governor of East Florida,a that his dominions would
be invaded by large forces from Georgia and Florida in
conjunction with the French, now enormously exaggerated
by the time it reached St. Augustine. His information was
that Col. Samuel Hammond of Savannah had been
commissioned Brigadier General by the French and was to
command the expedition, that there were already sixteen
hundred cavalry on the border in Camden county, well
provided with magazines of ammunition and provisions,
that Abner Hammond should command the cavalry which was
soon to be augmented by large reinforcements from other
parts of Georgia and South Carolina and that three French
frigates with 1,100 men on board were to sail from
Beaufort, South Carolina, and that the attack should be
made on East Florida about the middle of February. Abner
Hammond having crossed the St. Mary's River and falling
into the hands of the Spaniards was brought before
Quesada. Upon being questioned, instead of giving
accurate information he increased the panic of fear of
the Spanish governor by assuring him of the absolute
truth of the wild rumors that had reached St. Augustine
as to the size of the invading forces.

(Note: Abner Hammond was then sent to Havanna and
imprisoned in Moro Castle for years. Later he was
released after which he made Milledgeville his home.)
(White's Statistics.)

Although having on January 7th written Governor Matthews
that there were rumors of an expedition against East
Florida, which seemingly had but little effect on the
Georgia governor, upon receiving the latest alarming
news. Quesada again hastily wrote him, acquainting him of
what he had

learned and urging him in the name of neutrality to take
steps to stop the enterprise and assuring Matthews of the
friendship of the Spaniards for the Georgians. It is
noteworthy that the spirit of this letter was entirely
different to that in former letters written by him when
protests were made concerning his intirigues with the
Creeks which had caused Georgia so much trouble. Matthews
appeared not to lose any sleep over Quesada's
predicament. Finally on the 5th of March Governor
Matthews issued a proclamation similar to that of
Governor Moultrie of South Carolina.

The Georgians seemed to have paid about as much attention
to the proclamation as might have been expected under the
circumstances. Although large forces of militia were
quickly available along the Oconee River, being already
organized for defense against Indian invasion, yet not a
hand was lifted to prevent General Clarke and his men
from marching across the river and encamping opposite
Greensboro, the Rock Landing and at Carr's Bluff,
preparatory to marching to the St. Mary's.

Among the Georgians involved in the expedition were Col.
Carr and Major J. Williamson, Jr., both of Washington
county. Also Captain Bird, who had formerly commanded the
federal forces at Fort Matthews, was commanding the
detachment opposite Greensboro. Captain McKinsey
commanded the detachment encamped opposite the Rock
Landing.

Neither did the federal troops in Georgia take any steps
towards discouraging the movement of troops, but on the
contrary we find Col. Carr and Major Williamson
fraternizing with Captain Martin, who commanded Fort
Fidius and spending a day and night with him at that fort
on the 8th of April, where they freely discussed their
plans with the captain, showing him a list of the men to
whom Major Williamson who was serving as Clarke's
paymaster, had paid their mileage to the point of
rendezvous. Ten days later Constant Freeman, agent for
the Department of War in Georgia at Fort Fidius rather
belatedly wrote the Secretary of War of what had
transpired.

CLARKE'S EXPEDITION AGAINST FLORIDA

In the meantime the French were co-operating. The sloop
of war, Las Casas, with two hundred men arrived at the
St. Mary's River and it was reported that thirteen other
war vessels, equally well armed and manned were soon to
arrive. A few days later the Las Casas seized a base on
Amelia Island, south of the St. Mary's, and landed guns
and erected defense. General Clarke had now arrived and
was in charge of his forces on the Georgia side of the
St. Mary's which were growing larger each day.

On May 14th, though, it was reasonable to suppose that by
this time Clarke's army was already across the Florida
border en route to St. Augustine. Henry Knox, Secretary
of War, made a gesture towards stopping the expedition by
writing Governor Matthews, urging him to take such
measures as should prevent it, and authorizing him to use
the federal forces in Georgia, at the same time writing
Lieut.-Col. Gaither commanding the federal forces in
Georgia, that if the Governor should call upon him to
assist him, to do so.

In the meanwhile, the "little explosion" had occurred on
the Mississippi, and the expedition of George Rogers
Clark had been nipped in the bud at the proper moment. It
was now time for the Georgia bubble to burst. The
necessary steps had already been taken for the
denouement. Genet had been recalled by the French
government and a new ambassador appointed who was opposed
to the expedition, and withdrew the sanction of the
French government as well as the financial aid. This
seems to have had the desired effect. Clarke's men
returned to their former encampments on the west side of
the Oconee River.

The United States was still neutral, no overt act having
been committed. The Governors of the Spanish colonies
were thoroughly frightened and ceased their meddling with
the Indians. The American government now followed the
plan which Thomas Jefferson might well be suspected of
setting on foot, and new overtures were made to the
Spanish court for a treaty by which the demands of the
United States might be granted. Spain, convinced that the
United States could not

much longer restrain the anger of the people of Gerogia
as well as that of the settlers of the western states
bordering on the branches of the Mississippi, and being
faced with the possible loss of all the Florida and
Louisiana territories, within a few months graciously
granted all the demands, agreeing to remove their troops
from the soil claimed by Gerogia, as well as open the
Mississippi to navigation to the western settlers. What
years of peacable negotiations had failed to accomplish
the "little explosions" did.

As might be supposed, Elijah Clarke did not lose in
psopularity by embarking on the enterprise which was
destined to have such happy results for Georgia. Neither
did the American government take any steps towards
punishing him for the alleged high crimes and
misdemeanors. Taking all the circumstances in the case,
we cannot look upon Elijah Clarke as a mere soldier of
fortune in this adventure, but rather the leader of an
unofficial American expedition, marching under the French
flag. But having failed in their Florida objective his
men were now in the mood to establish a new republic of
their own.

CHAPTER 12

ELIJAH CLARKE'S REPUBLIC

IN the summer of 1794, Elijah Clarke, returning with his
ISans Culottes to their former encampments in what is now
IWilkinson county encamped upon the lands here, and
having pacified the Indians, by renting these lands, as
was stated, had established their homes, built and
garrisoned forts all along the Oconee and at various
places between the Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers. One of
these, Fort Advance, was located just across the river
from Fort Fidius. Another, Fort Defiance, was in all
probability located near the present site of
Milledgeville, as its location is given as being six
miles above Fort Advance. There was also another fort
near the line of Laurens and Wilkinson counties, not far
from Turkey Creek, as some old fortifications and the
skeleton of an old flint lock

pistol has recently been found, and it is supposed to
have been one of Clarke's forts. On the level fields
lying between Itchee-wam-Otchee or Black Creek, and
Thlock-Laoso, or Fishing Creek, about the present site of
the George Hollingshed farm on the Milledgeville and
Toomsboro Road, near the line of Wilkinson and Baldwin
counties, the metropolis of Clarke's Republic was laid
off. Here Clarke established his headquarters. While E.
Bradley was President of the Committee of Safety, Clarke
was the acknowledged head of both the army and the
government.

The news of Clarke's intended republic on the soil which
was later to become Wilkinson County met with the
approval throughout many parts of the state. Numbers of
settlers flocked to the newly seized lands. Cabins were
built as the vast expanse of fertile lands stretching
between the two rivers was now opened for the masses of
land-hungry Georgians heretofore forbidden to cross the
Oconee in search of new lands. How many came, how thickly
settled this country became under the brief regime of
Clarke, written records fail to disclose. However there
are indisputable signs evident in innumerable places in
the county which prove that at some period before the
county was finally settled, white men in considerable
numbers dwelt here. This is shown by old house sites,
where pieces of broken English pottery, pieces of iron,
gun barrels, etc., are to be found and traditions are
handed down that the first settlers had no knowledge of
how these old house sites came to be there.

Adventurous spirits, these, who first dared to build
their homes on these lands. They came defying not merely
the laws of Georgia; the laws of the United States; the
power of Spain whose garrisons in Florida were in
striking distance and who was championing the cause of
the Creeks in every dispute with the whites; the power of
England who was constantly exerting her influence with
the lower Creeks and inciting them to depredations; but
above all, they came in the face of all the horrors the
Indian nations could bring to bear upon them. Uneasy must
have been the sleep of Clarke's adherents during

ELIJAH CLARKE'S REPUBLIC

these months.

The Indian massacres almost ceased. The riflemen of
Clarke, as was the case during the Revolution, stood
guard between the inhabitants of Georgia and their
enemies. No wonder his enterprise should grow in favor
with the Georgians, and his popularity which was already
great should continue to grow. Few in Georgia dared to
begin the opposition. Governor Matthews sent a half
hearted demand for him to remove from the Indian lands,
but Clarke having pacified the Indians, believed that he
was doing Georgia no injury in settling on lands
guaranteed to the Indians by the Federal Government, and
that the militia of Georgia would never march against
him. He was also convinced that the United States
government had neither the constitutional right to
interfere, nor sufficient military force to put any
interference into effect and refused to obey the orders
to remove from the Indian lands.

But the federal government was thoroughly alarmed at the
prospect of a rival republic so nearby, headed by the
redoubtable Elijah Clarke whose prowess in battle, whose
friendship with the French, whose popularity among the
Georgians and Carolinians was so well known; a leader
dreaded by the Indians as the Scourge of Death, who
doubtless could ally them to his standard; a leader who
only a few months before, had spread terror into the very
midst of the walls of St. Augustine, when it had appeared
that his Sans Culottes in conjunction with the French
fleet would attack that place. None realized the
possibilities of Clarke's dream of an empire as did the
federal authorities at the American seat of government.

And yet none realized the impotence of the federal
government in dealing with this menace better than did
the federal officials. There was a bare handful of
soldiers in the whole federal army, which it sent against
him in order to reach his settlements would have to march
one hundred and fifty miles over land from the seacoast
through a state whose sympathies were with Clarke. It was
madness to make such an

attempt. None knew the extent of Clarke's popularity in
Georgia and the Carolinas. The nearest federal troops
under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Gaither were at
Fort Fidius, almost within gunshot of Fort Advance but it
is a striking fact that not one act of aggression was
made by these troops, evidently because of the
unpopularity of the federal government, any act of these
troops might so incense Clarke's men, as well as incense
other Georgians, that much trouble might result.

In the dilemma, the Secretary of War called upon the
Governor of Georgia to act with despatch in forcing
Clarke to remove his men, and the Governor of South
Carolina was likewise appealed to for aid in sending such
forces to assist Georgia as might be needed. The burden
of the removal was thus placed on the state, and the
federal government avoided the criticism of further
infringing on States Rights.

Governor Matthews acted with alacrity. The campaign was
now on. The manner in which Governor Matthews and his
generals handled this campaign was a masterpiece of
diplomacy. Instead of an immediate invasion with arms
which might have had the effect of alienating much of
Georgia, another plan, much more effectual was resorted
to - that of propaganda. In this they were aided by the
powerful charge of Judge Walton to the Richmond county
Grand Jury in which Clarke's Revolutionary service was
praised and his present course condemned as violative of
the laws of Georgia. This charge was printed and widely
circulated. It successfully appealed to the zealous law-
abiding citizens of the state, and the leaven began to
work, as they realized that Clarke was violating the laws
of Georgia.

But suddenly another piece of strategy was resorted to
which was destined to prove fully as effective, and which
was intended to appeal to the cupidity of all the
citizens, and under color of legal authority to do what
Clarke was doing illegally, and which perhaps did more to
mould sentiment against Clarke than anything else. A
petition was circulated throughout the state asking the
Legislature which was to convene in

ELIJAH CLARKE'S REPUBLIC

November to pass an act for the surveying of the Indian
lands and the opening of a land office for the
distribution of the lands east of the Chattahooche to the
citizens of Georgia. It quickly became apparent that the
act would be passed by the Legislature. Sentiment in
Georgia was soon running strong against Clarke, and some
of the citizens began to urge the Governor to remove his
settlers.

In the meantime military operations were not idle. Forces
of dragoons were raised, placed under the command of
Captain Fauche, with orders dated July 30th to blockade
the line separating Georgia from Clarke's settlements and
prevent supplies and re-inforcements from Georgia
reaching his garrisons. Detachments of these were placed
at Waffords, High Shoals on the Apalachy, at Fort Twiggs,
and at White Bluff, fifteen miles below Fort Fidius with
orders to patrol the whole line. One-third of the entire
militia of Georgia was ordered to hold themselves in
readiness to march at a moment's notice. Heavy artillery
was being brought to the scene of hostilities from
Augusta and Savannah.

General Twiggs and Irwin now considered the time ripe to
treat with General Clarke and upon visiting him at Fort
Advance attempted to reason with their Revolutionary
comrades, and urged him to desist from his course of
action. Clarke referred to his men the question of
whether their demand should be acceded to and the forts
surrendered. Their answer was that they would risk their
lives in defense of their settlements, after which no
amount of persuasion could change Clarke's determination
to resist to the end.

Operations now began in earnest. General Twiggs ordered
Major David Adams, who a few weeks before was threatening
to storm Fort Fidius, to cross the Oconee and urge the
garrison at Fort Defiance to remove from the Indian
lands. This was refused and Adams' life threatened. He
retired without injury to himself or his troops.

When it became apparent that a resort to arms would be
inevitable Clarke hastily began strengthening his forts.
The garrisons in the various forts were withdrawn and
concen

trated at Fort Advance and Fort Defiance, he, himself,
remaining at Fort Advance. Perhaps the letter of Elijah
Clarke to the Committee of Safety is the only copy of any
official document issued by any official of the ill-fated
Republic:

Fort Advance, 5th September, 1794

Gentlemen:

Your favor of the 3d instant is now before me; accept my
thanks for your information and attention to that may, if
ever neglected, so materially injure our enterprise. I
consider myself honored by meeting with the unanimous
voice of all the officers belonging to the different
garrisons. I shall always endeavor to acquit myself
worthy of the command committed to my charge. The
information you have received agrees with mine from
Augusta. The artillery of Augusta are ordered to be in
readiness to march in eight or ten days, and one-third of
the militia are directed to be draughted. It has been
tried in Burke and Richmond counties, but quite
unsuccessful; the troops declare they will not fight
against us. I am happy to find the disposition of the
people with you, so exactly agrees with my own friends'
here; I believe it to be the general disposition of every
garrison. I am determinately fixed to risk every thing,
with my life, upon the issue, and for the success of the
enterprise, you will apply to the enclosed orders how to
conduct yourselves with inimical individuals. In case of
a body appearing, you will give me the earliest
information. If you are summoned to surrender in the
garrison, you must refuse, with a firmness ever
accompanying the brave. Inform those who apply, that, if
you have done wrong, and the grand jury of the county
have cognizance of your crime, you will cheerfully submit
to be tried by a jury of your fellow citizens. But you
will consider any orders from the Secretary of War, to be
unconstitutional; the Governor's proclamation, as
determined in Wilkes, illegal. I am informed that Captain
Fauche's troop are directed to stop men and supplies,
crossing to the south side of the Oconee. They have no
right to take hold of any private property whatever, and,
for everything detained, to the value of one shilling,
belonging to any adventurer, they

ELIJAH CLARKE'S REPUBLIC

shall suffer the penalty of the law. If such case should
turn up, apply to a magistrate, and bind the party
offending to the next superior court. To avoid disputes,
it will be best to use a prudent precaution in every
case. The president of the board of officers, E. Bradley,
Esq., mentions my appointing a meeting of the committee
of safety on Monday, the fifth of October; if it is the
first Monday of the month, that is the day on which our
constitution requires them to meet. If two members meet,
they may adjourn from day to day, until the whole or a
majority of them can be convened. It is entirely out of
my power to appoint the 22d of this month, or any other
day, if does not agree with the constitution; you will
attend to appointing your members for the committee on
the 15th of this month, at the several garrisons. Meet
the first Monday in next month, but in case of the
election as mentioned, the members who cannot attend on
Monday, meet on Tuesday or Wednesday, that is, those who
first meet must adjourn from day to day, until they are
convened. Must beg you to copy orders, and send them to
the several garrisons above you.

Yours, etc.,

E. CLARKE

NOTE; -You receive one petition, which will suit
everybody but a real tory. Our own people and particular
friends will subscribe them, with the addition of the
office being opened to no persons but those who will
become settlers. (I.A. ap. 501.)

On September 23rd a detachment of Fauche's dragoons
succeeded in capturing one of Clarke's lieutenants near
Fort Advance and later in the day being reinforced,
seized the landing opposite the fort and began cutting
Clarke's lines of communications. On the 25th Fauche
arrived with other reinforcements and two other prisoners
fell into the hands of the Georgians.

In the meantime Brigadier General Jared Irwin was
approaching with his forces. On the 26th he took up his
line of march from Town Creek, nine miles from Fort
Fidius, and proceeded to cross the Oconee and encamp near
Fort Ad

vance. On the same day Col. William Melton of the Greene
county militia, who had won fame the year before as an
Indian fighter when at the head of the Green county
yeomanry he had carried the war into the very heart of
the maurauding Creek town, and made the Indians respect
the strength of the Georgia militia having now with his
command formed a junction with Colonel Lamar and Major
Adams and other officers of the militia arrived on the
scene and crossing the river cut off all communication
between the beleaguered forts.

Closer and closer the cordon of steel was being drawn
around Clarke's forts. Up to now not a man had been
killed or even wounded. On the 27th the Georgians were in
position and ready to advance. Before the assault was
ordered General Irwin made a last appeal to General
Clarke, and urged him to march his men out with all the
honors of war.

The supreme crisis of the life of Elijah Clarke had
arrived. Absolutely devoid of fear, as had been so ably
demonstrated in the scores of battles in which he had
engaged in the struggle for liberty against British
oppression, no show of force could induce a surrender,
provided that force was composed of enemies. To yield
meant the crashing of his dreams of glory and of the
empire which had been almost within his grasp, dreams of
a mighty nation that he would build in this, the choicest
territories of the New World, dreams of marching at the
head of conquering armies into the lands of the enemies
of his new nation.

But he was being confronted with a power against which he
had not counted when he originated his plans. At most he
had probably expected a Federal army to be sent against
him - and he felt convinced he would be doing no wrong to
resist such a force of a government which was not only
oppressing the state of Georgia by its assumption of
authority over the Indian lands but would be acting
unconstitutionally in so doing. But instead of strange
soldiers, commanded by strange generals, there stood
before him in battle array men whom he loved, the very
men who had fought and bled with him in the battles of
the Revolution, men whom he

ELIJAH CLARKE'S REPUBLIC

had provided with homes on the lands between the Ogeechee
and the Oconee, through his Indian treaties, and by his
certificates of Revolutionary service; commanding these
men was his beloved old comrade-at-arms, Jared Irwin, -
and above these men, there floated the banner of Georgia,
the banner for which he had given his life blood on more
than one battlefield and had devoted the best years of
his life. Upon these he could not order his men to fire.
For this first time in his life the grand old
Revolutionary chieftain acknowledged defeat. The colors
of his Republic bowed before the banner of Georgia, and
Clarke's men marched out of the fort.

Fort Defiance having now also surrendered, the torch was
applied on the 28th of September. From garrison to
garrison and from cabin to cabin the flames were spread.
Clarke's settlers were scattered and today, tradition
remains to tell the story of the Trans-Oconee Republic.

For a brief period, Clarke's star was in eclipse, but two
years later he witnessed the utter disgrace of Matthew's
administration. Could he have lived a few years longer
than he did, he would have beheld his son, John Clarke,
organizing his famous Clarke party, and later as
governor, guiding the affairs of state in the rapidly
growing city that had sprung up almost on the very ashes
of Fort Defiance.

Note: The exact location of the Clarke's Forts seems to
have been lost during the lapse of more than a century.
However, a careful examination of Indian Affairs, Vol. I,
gives us such data as permits us to fix the various
places with some definiteness. We have seen that the main
crossing of the Oconee in this section was at the Rock
Landing and that a garrison was there until 1793 when
Fort Fidius was built, and the garrison was moved to Fort
Fidius. It is extremely probable that Fort Fidius was
built for the health of the soldiers on a bluff a few
hundred yards from Rock Landing when we take into
consideration the fact that removal to any great distance
would have very likely created some objection on the part
of the state of Georgia, as this state was not feeling
kindly to the federal government just now. We also find
Seagrove, the

federal Indian agent, writing of Rock Landing and Fort
Fidius as if they were one and the same place. (Ind.
Affairs, Vol. I, 408, 409.) The fact that they were very
close together is further shown on page 394 where it is
stated that General Twiggs' command crossed the Oconee
near Rock Landing and on page 421 it was stated that they
crossed at Fort Fidius.

Anyone driving along the Milledgeville and Toomsboro Road
between these creeks cannot but notice the suitableness
of the level lands for the purpose of building a city
thereon. Clarke's sans culottes had their camp opposite
the Rock Landing prior to their departure for Florida.
(Ind. Affairs, Vol. I, p. 485.) Upon his return we thus
find him building his metropolis on the lands opposite
Fort Fidius. Anyone selecting the site for a metropolis
in this section would most assuredly choose these high,
level lands.

Note: Data for the above obtained from Dr. E.M. Coulter's
"Elijah Clarke's Foreign Intrigues and Trans-Oconee
Republic"; Vol. I, Indian Affairs; Vol. I, Foreign
Relations;

Vol. II, Stevens' History of Georgia; White's Statistics;
Chappell's Miscellanies of Georgia.

CHAPTER 13

TRANS-OCONEE LANDS LAID OFF IN DISTRICTS

THE propaganda set in motion for the purpose of removing
TElijah Clarke, and providing for the taking possession
of Tall the Indian lands east of the Chattahoochee by
legal processes was soon to take the form of an enactment
of the Legislature. A few months later when the
Legislature met, so great was the demand for more lands
on which the citizens of Georgia could settle, the act
was passed, and on December 28, 1794, received Governor
Matthews' signature.

It provided $20,000.00 for the purpose of extinguish

ing the Indian claims "should any there be," and the
senators and representatives in Congress were directed to
apply for a treaty to be held with the Indians for these
lands.

The act provided that persons applying for these lands
could obtain 300 acres headright, 50 acres for his wife
and 50 acres for each child under 16 years of age. One of
the requirements was that every person acquiring said
lands must settle in said district within twelve months
and cultivate at least one acre to every hundred acres
granted him.

In order to encourage settlers still more to move on said
lands the act exempted them from all taxes for four
years.

The act further provided as follows:

"That the territory lying between the rivers Oconee, the
branch thereof called the Apalachy, and the Ocmulgee,
shall be laid off into five districts, in the following
manner, viz: All that part from the confluence of the
Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers, up to a line to be run
directly from Carr's bluff, on the Oconee, to the place
where the Cussetah path crosses the Ocmulgee river, shall
form the first district; All that part lying between the
said line, and a parallel line to be run directly from
the mouth of Shoulderbone to the Ocmulgee river, shall
form the second district; All that part lying between the
said last mentioned line, and a parallel line to be run
from the mouth of Jack's Creek, on the Apalachy river, to
where the same shall intersect the northernmost, or the
main, branch of the Ocmulgee river, shall form the third
district; All that part lying between the north and south
branches of the Ocmulgee river, that is to say, from the
fork thereof, up the said northern or main branch off the
said Ocmulgee, to the place where the Bloody-trail
crosses the same, thence a due west course to the
Chattahoochee river, thence down the said river to a
point on the same, from which a due east line shall
strike the head or source of the main southernmost branch
of the said Ocmulgee, thence down the same to the place
of beginning, shall form the fourth district; And all the
remaining part of the said territory shall form the fifth
district.

"And be it further enacted, That his Excellency the

LANDS LAID OFF IN DISTRICTS

Governor shall, previously to his issuing any warrant of
survey to the citizens of this state, or any other person
whatsoever, cause three thousand acres of land to be laid
off on the south side of the Altamaha river, on the bluff
lying nearest to the confluence of the Oconee and
Ocmulgee rivers; two thousand acres on the south side of
the Oconee river, on the most advantageous bluff, near
the Rock Landing; together with one thousand acres, in
addition to the foregoing in each of the districts
contemplated by this act, in the most advantageous parts
of the said districts, for public uses."

It was provided, however, that the act should not take
effect until two months after a treaty should be made
with the Indians.

There was now the prospect that this section which in
later years would be Wilkinson county would be the most
favored for development in the whole state. At the lower
extremity near the confluence of the Oconee and the
Ocmulgee there would spring up a large city which would
have the broad Altamaha as an artery of commerce. At the
Rock Landing which was considered the head of navigation
of the Oconee and also the converging point of so many
Indian trails would be built another city. One of these
would have undoubtedly been made the capital of Georgia.
How great must have been the changes in the tale that
history now tells of Wilkinson county had the dreams of
the whole people of Georgia been realized in this effort
to get possession of the lands of this section.

However, the enactment by the Georgia Legislature created
much disturbance in the mind of President Washington and
upon getting information of it hastily sent a special
message to Congress concerning both it, and the infamous
Yazoo Act which was passed about the same time. In his
message he stated, "These acts embrace an object of such
magnitude and in their consequence may so deeply affect
the peace and welfare of the United States that I thought
it necessary now to lay them before Congress."

Congress immediately enacted laws prohibiting dep

redations against the lands of the Indians and
authorizing the military forces of the United States to
confine parties guilty of this offense.

The failure of the federal government to get any cessions
of the lands in question from the Creeks for the time
being, prevented the realization of the plans outlined in
the act of the Georgia Legislature. However, complaints
of the surveying of lands and the using of them by the
white men were frequently made.

In the meantime the storm of disapproval over the Yazoo
Act, which was in reality a supplemental act of the one
in question was sweeping Georgia. Likewise, Congress was
expressing its disapproval in the strongest of terms.
Instead of pursuing the original course of attempting to
get a great deal of the Indian lands, the efforts of the
Georgians were now limited to procuring the lands lying
between the Oconee and the Ocmulgee. The Governor,
Senators and Congressmen approached President Washington
on the subject and a few months afterward he appointed
Benjamin Hawkins, George Clymer and Andrew Pickens as
commissioners to bring about the treaty. Notices were
sent to the Creeks inviting them to meet at Colerain for
a treaty and in 1796 it was held. The negotiations were a
complete failure insofar as the acquisition of any lands
was concerned. The Indians were determined to sell no
more. All that the Commissioners could get the Indians to
agree to was that the federal forts might be built on the
Indian lands and a tract about five miles square on the
Indian lands opposite Fort Fidius was set aside for a
trading post and fort. The description of the tract
recommended as a post as taken from the Journal of the
Proceedings of the treaty is as follows:

"The Cowetas and Cussetahs visited us, to take leave.

"They requested that the President would cause the
troops, at Fort Fidius, to be removed as soon as
possible. That, after gaining the best information they
could, from the hunters, who were present, they now came
to recommend one place.

LANDS LAID OFF IN DISTRICTS

"There is a high bluff, a little below Fort Fidius,
perhaps one mile below, on their lands. Two miles below
this bluff, there is a creek, called Itchee-wam-aotchee,
and about three miles above the bluff, there is another
creek, called Thlock-laoso, or Fishing Creek, very
valuable, always, for fish, particularly for shad in the
spring. The lands between the creeks is high and good,
and, bordering on the creeks, covered with cane, and fine
for stock. This is the fittest place for a military post,
according to the information which they have obtained.

"The chiefs request, that, if this spot is selected by
the President, the troops of the garrison, and those
connected therewith, only, should be permitted to take
fish out of the waters belonging to the Indians.

"There is another bluff, about one day's ride, or twenty-
five miles, still higher up the river, and the same
distance below the mouth of the Apalachy, or Tulapocka,
where the old Oakfuskee path crosses the Oconee. They
mention this, but cannot recommend it; it is not so high
as the other, nor the lands so valuable; however, it is
the best they now have any information of, and they
thought they would inform us of it."

Although the War Department did not build Fort Wilkinson
on the bluff suggested by the Indians, yet it was built
between the creeks and about three miles above the bluff
they recommended. The fort was begun in the early part of
1797 and the garrison moved to that place, Colonel
Gaither commanding. Thus, according to the treaty, the
tract of land five miles square was attached to the post.
The store used as a trading post for the Indians was
completed in September.

The moving of the garrison from Fort Fidius now
necessitated a change in the crossing of the river and
the site just above the mouth of Camp Creek was selected.

CHAPTER 14

THE HARRISON MASSACRE OF THE UCHEES

ON October 28, 1795, an event occurred near Carr's Bluff
Owhich again threatened to plunge Georgia into a general
OCreek Indian War. A number of Indians had crossed the
Oconee on a visit and was in one of the homes near the
Bluff, apparently behaving themselves peaceably when
Benjamin Harrison, Vessels and others gathered a band of
settlers together and fell upon the Indians, massacring
seventeen, in cold blood, consisting of one Creek, four
lower Creeks and twelve Uchees.

A storm of indignation swept the whole Creek nation at
what they considered such an act of treachery on the part
of the whites. On all sides rose the cry for vengeance,
from tribe to tribe the bloody stick was borne by the
fleet runners and at the appointed time the avengers were
enroute for Carr's Bluff. The Uchees were the most
outraged of any of the tribes. The

MASSACRE OF THE UCHEES

Indians had learned that Harrison had led the expedition
and although Harrison had built himself a stockade for
the defense of his plantation, this did not deter the
Indians from the attack. At dawn the attack was made in
true Indian fashion, but to the disappointment of the
Indians they found Harrison gone. After burning his
stockade they swooped down on Old Bushes Fort nearby,
capturing that fort, killing one man and after killing
cows and taking horses they returned to the Indian
nation.

In the meantime the murder of the Indians by Harrison had
created such a revulsion of feeling on the part of the
people of Georgia that the Indians were not blamed for
their attack. The Legislature passed resolutions of
regret at Harrison's act. He and a number of his men were
arrested on the charge of murder. All these activities on
the part of Georgia were made known to President
Washington and to the Creek Indians, as the Treaty of
Colerain which was then pending necessitated that the
Creeks be placated as much as possible. Seagrove at once
took up the matter with the Creek chieftains and got
their promise to wait until Washington could be heard
from before taking further vengeance and at the same time
promising the Indians that the murderers would be
executed.

The date set for the treaty to be held at Colerain being
in June, 1796, hostilities now ceased. However, at the
treaty they at once brought this question up, demanding
redress. Numbers of the relatives of the murdered Indians
were on hand expecting to see Harrison executed for the
crime at this place.

John Galphin whose rascalities had caused him to be
outlawed by the Americans and who was refused admittance
into the meting at Colerain now shrewdly used the
Harrison Massacre as a means of getting himself
recognized as a part of the convention. Having under his
influence a large band of young Indian braves who were at
all times eager to do his bidding he came boldly into the
Indian camp. The chiefs informed him of the fact that the
American Commissioners had forbidden his coming to the
convention. He served notice that if he went away he
would carry his young men with him.

The Indian chiefs at once realized the significance of
this statement and that if he and his warriors rode away
many of whom had friends killed by Harrison, the
frontiers of Georgia would feel the weight of his
displeasure. Hastily they went to the Commissioners and
explained the situation and requested the Commissioners
to permit Galphin to remain in their camp where they
could keep an eye on him.

During the course of the proceedings at Colerain, the
chiefs and friends of the towns which had lost Indians in
the massacre made a second visit to the Commissioners,
inquiring whether the murderers would be punished, giving
the Commissioners a full account of the occurrence, and
stating that the letter from Seagrove which promised
redress had caused them to suspend their usual mode of
vengeance.

Next day "the Indian chiefs again visited the
Commissioners to deliver a message from the children and
near relations of the murdered men. They mentioned the
distressed condition of six young children and some
others whose dependence for support was upon those who
were killed; that besides this loss, some property was
taken at the time, to which they had just claim; that
they now applied for the property, the whole of which was
not much, but little as it was, it was of value to the
relatives. If the murderers could be puinished this loss
would be deemed of still less value, and they should
never have mentioned it. But they  hoped, as the
commissioners came to see justice done, they would order
this payment, and cause the chiefs to carry it and
deliver it in their name to the relatives."

This request was agreed to but the next day the chiefs
came again explaining the vexation of the relatives of
the victims at there being no execution of Harrison, and
asked advice as to what information they could give them.
They agreed to follow the advice which should be sent
them by President Washington, but urged that the guilty
be punished. They stated that they did not believe the
murderer would ever be punished in Georgia and that they
had no other reliance than on the justice of the
President.

MASSACRE OF THE UCHEES

Vessels, one of the party charged with the crime, soon
died but the courts delayed months and months any
semblance of trial of the others. In the meantime the
Uchees had not forgotten the massacre and in the spring
of 1797 after having waited eighteen months for the
courts of Washington county to try Harrison, they
suddenly without warning fell upon the settlements near
Long Bluff, a few miles above Carr's Bluff, killing a man
named Brown and seriously wounding his wife, burned three
houses, fences, etc.

Benjamin Hawkins who had now been appointed the Indian
Agent in the place of Seagrove at once demanded that the
Creek chiefs punish the Uchees who had committed these
depredations. A meeting of the nation was called and
certain chiefs, one of whom being Tustunnagau Emauthlau
was appointed to execute the Uchees who committed the
murder. (Note: This was the same Tustunnagau Emauthlau
who was arrested for an offence in Oglethorpe county,
confined in jail and while in the jail, a mob attempting
to storm the jail was fired upon, some being killed, by
the Georgia militia protecting the Indian chieftain, who
was later acquitted by a jury of the county.)

Upon hearing that the other Indians had decreed the death
of those who had killed Brown, the Uchees determined to
resist any effort to carry it into effect. A civil war
among the Creeks was now in prospect. At the same time
letters from Deputy Agent Richard Thomas were being
received stating that the Uchees were on the warpath
against the frontiers of Washington and a few days later
he wrote again that another man and woman had been killed
near Long Bluff.

In the meantime the Indian who led the party which killed
Brown had filed his plea with the Creek chieftains and
gave as his reason, that he had lost his son in the
Harrison Massacre and although he had waited a long time
he had never received satisfaction for it. This plea was
apparently a justifiable defense in the eyes of the
Creeks but they notified Hawkins that if he insisted on
retaliation when he returned to their nation they would
kill the leader of the band and one of

the Uchee women.

The entire Uchee tribe continued very bitter towards the
white settlers throughout the year. During September of
1797 they again started on the  warpath. The other
Creeks, however, hurrried runners after them commanding
them to return and thus further bloodshed was averted for
the time being.

During November the chiefs appointed to execute the
leader of the Uchees who had killed Brown, at the head of
a band of Creek warriors marched to the Uchee town but he
had fled. They followed him from town to town among the
Indians until at last he fled to the Shawnees, too far
away to pursue farther. The chiefs then consulted one
another about their old custom of killing one of the
family in the place of the culprit, and but for the
orders of Hawkins this would have been done.

In February, 1798, the hostile Uchees again crossed the
Oconee, killing a man by the name of William Allen near
Long Bluff. At the time the woods on the Wilkinson county
side were filled with bands of hunting Indians, some of
whom had their women and children in the camps. The
commander of the federal forces at Fort Wilkinson at once
recognizing the peril the Indian hunters were in by
reason of the killing of Allen, should the Washington
county settlers fall upon them, hurried forces of cavalry
from Indian camp to Indian camp appraising them of the
danger they were in.

A few days later, an Indian climbed a tree on the west
side of the Oconee near Long Bluff to talk with a man
named Oats. While the conversation was going on some one
slipped up behind Oats and shot the Indian, killing him
on the spot. Fearing the vengeance of the Indians would
be turned against him, Oats removed from his plantation.
About this time another Indian was killed near Long
Bluff. A white hunter on the Washington county side heard
what he thought to be the bleat of a fawn and halted. He
then heard something like a snap of a gun and looking
about saw an Indian, who had just flashed at him. Jumping
behind a tree, he fired and killed the Indian. Letters of
Benjamin Hawkins, pp. 450, 102, 249, 288, 462,

463, 464. Indian Affiars, Vol. I, pp.. 615, 6166, 595,
610.

A story told the author by J.J. McArthur which was told
him by his grandmother Pearson, is to the effect that the
Pearsons had moved across the Oconee and were living on
the Indian lands prior to the treaty of Fort Wilkinson
and that one morning early they noticed an Indian
prowling around rather suspiciously. They immediately
opened fire upon him, killing him. Realizing what it
would mean should the Indians learn of their having
killed him, they at once destroyed all traces of the
killing and after weighting the body put it in an old
lagoon in the Oconee swamp.

CHAPTER 15

EFAU HAUJO FINDS THE REMEDY FOR HORSE STEALING

AS an illustration of the enormity of the losses
occasioned Aby the Indian horse thieves, the Georgia
Commissioners Aat the treaty of Colerain complained of a
loss of 825 horses, 1,159 cattle, 495 hogs and 115 houses
burned. One can easily understand the reason for so much
thieving among the Indians as the Indians felt the need
of horses very badly. They were frequently invited to
visit the Spaniards in St. Augustine and Pensacola for
treaties and these towns were hundreds of miles distant.
The Americans would invite them to various places for
treaties which required much journeying. Often it was
necessary for them to come nearly a hundred miles to
trade at Rock Landing, Fort Fidius or Fort Wilkinson.
Once a year they had to come here for their stipends paid
by the federal government under the treaty. The growing
scarcity of game required them to go many miles on
hunting expeditions.

Lack of salt and proper feed caused many of their horses
to die and the "jackies" or ponies they attempted to
raise were of inferior quality. Thus, horses were to them
such a necessity as they felt warranted in getting them
from the Georgians in any manner possible.

However, the Indians were not altogether to blame for the
stealing, as shown by extracts from the letter of the
White Lieutenant of Ocfuskees, "I likewise undertook to
inform you of a thing, you, before, perhaps, have been
ignorant of, viz: no sooner the talks become a little
friendly, but our paths are filled with traveling
renegade people, and some families that pretend they are
going to the Spanish country; others of them are bad men,
who steal from your people, and fly to our land, and
impose their plunder on us, and we, though in a state of
ignorance, are blamed for it . . . I likewise take the
liberty to inform you, that it is my opinion that bad men
that live on the frontiers of your country, do your
people and ours great injury by getting our drunken
people over the line, and buying their property from
them, particularly horses (with rum) the people are then
on foot, and, sooner than remain so, go and steal the
first man's horse they come across; this, I hope you will
prevent by some early step, as, if suffered, it will tend
to bad consequences."

With the rise of Efau Haujo to power in the Creek nation,
the chieftains were induced to enact such a law among
themselves as could be effectually enforced and which
stopped horse thieving in this section. Thus, shortly
after the treaty of Colerain, whipping was made the
penalty for all those who dwelt in the Indian nations who
stole horses, and the Indians, themselves were the ones
to inflict the punishment. No one was allowed to sell or
buy a horse, to or from an Indian without a permit from
Benjamin Hawkins who had now succeeded Seagrove. How well
this law worked on the Indians is shown by the letter of
Richard Thomas, Dep. Agt. to Benjamin Hawkins (Letters of
B.H., pages 488, 489). "With pleasure I announce to you
that the law enacted by the chiefs at the Tuckabatchee,
with respect to the horse thieves, has been put

REMEDY FOR HORSE STEALING

in force by Efau Tustunnagau and his warriors and one of
the sticks that was made use of to inflict the punishment
sent to the Cowetas and the Tallauhassee. The next day
the Cowetas brought in four horses; they say they found
them this side of the line. Another of the sticks has
been sent down the river to the towns below. The
Ooseuchees stole five horses from the white people; four
is brought in and one died by the bite of a snake. If the
chiefs are peaceably inclined, they will certainly punish
the horse thieves and deliver up the horses, but if they
should be only awaiting a supply of powder from the
Spaniards, they will not think of fulfilling their
promises to you. I shall keep a good lookout, and if any
talks or invitations arrive from the Spaniards, will
immediately inform you of it.

As early as 1792 there seems to have been an outlaw
organization, its ramifications extending throughout
Georgia, North and South Carolina. The Creeks were
continuously raiding the Kentucky and Tennessee
settlements, driving off their droves of fine horses, and
after bringing them through the Creek nation, would, by
means of white confederates convey them to Savannah, and
the seaport towns of the Carolinas, where good prices
could be obtained and where recovery by their owners was
practically impossible. (I.A., page 265.)

The traffic in stolen horses thus seems to have grown to
immense proportions. On their swift Kentucky steeds, the
Indian braves could make their sudden attacks on the
frontiers along the Oconee and laden with loot dash back
along the paths leading across these lands and to safety
before pursuers could start on the trail. The nearness to
Florida made it possible to dispose of any horses not
needed by these outlaw bands. The trails of this section
were thus filled by a stream of horses from the Indian
nation to be sold in Georgia, and another stream of
horses stolen in Georgia for use elsewhere. And woe to
the traveler who met these outlaws and who was not able
to protect himself.

The Tory element which had settled among the Indians as
usual was found more troublesome when it came to stealing
horses than any other. "From the declaration of peace

to the introduction of the plan of civilization in 1796,
these white people generally continued their predatory
warfare; at that period some of the worst fled, some died
and some promised to reform; their red associates stole
horses and they found a market for them."

The law enacted by the Indian chieftains now began to
apply to this Tory element and they found themselves
receiving the same punishment which the Indians received.
This caused many to leave the nation. Efau Haujo in a
"talk" to Hawkins says:

"The white horse thieves are censuring my conduct and say
it is no business of mine who steals horses or who comes
and goes without passports, but I shall do my duty
regardless of their threats or frowns." (Letters of B.
Hawkins, p. 496, 429.)

CHAPTER 16

TRESPASSING ON THE INDIAN LANDS

THE rush of settlers shortly after the Revolution to the
lands Teast of the Oconee river quickly took up all the
available Tlands on that side and then there was the
clamor for more lands. Across the Oconee they could see
satretching from the Oconee to the Ocmulgee vast forests
of monster yellow pines, limitless fields of wild oats,
offering pasturing for myriads of cattle and horses,
going to waste under these pines; the lowlands covered
with hardwood, berries, fields of reeds, also offering
unlimited pasturage for hogs, cattle and horses, millions
of acres of the most productive lands in the world,
wasting for the sake of the herds of deer, the bear, and
other game which the Indians valued so highly. Soon the
cattle, horses and hogs on the east side got hungry and
it was an easy matter to get them across the river to the
land of plenty. As the years passed, more and more of the
whites began to take advantage of this free pasturage.
Farther and farther from the

river the animals would feed. Each man would have some
particular spot to salt his cows and in this way could
keep up with his herds. Others would feed their hogs at
certain places. It is a tradition that Cowpen Creek, a
few miles west of Irwinton was so named from numerous
cowpens built on it by those driving their cows here from
Washington county while the lands still belonged to the
Indians., The abundace of game and fish here also lured
the white hunters across the river to hunt, fish, and
trap.

Indian hunters soon learned of the trespassing by the
whites on their lands. Complaints were frequently made by
the Indians. The Georgians would complain of the Indians
stealing horses, cattle and hogs. Benjamin Hawkins tells
of one Indian lad who was in this section with a heavy
pack of skins to carry back to Cusseta Indian town. Nine
years prior to this his brother had a horse stolen from
him by the whites. He came across a mare and colt grazing
on the Indian lands. Catching the mare he packed his
skins on her back and rode her into Cusseta town with the
colt at her heels. Being informed that he would have to
give her up, he refused until he could see his brother
who had lost a horse.

In the face of the Indian depredations, squatters began
to cross the river as early as 1793 and build houses on
the Indian lands, so great was the demand for more land.
A vivid picture of the situation here is given in the
letter of Timothy Barnard, Deputy Agent, to Seagrove.

Flint River, 20th March, 1793

Dear Sir:

Your express, by Mr. Mordecai, came safe to hand: I
received it at the Cussetahs, where I have been ever
since my last to you, by Mr. John Galphin, except five
days I spent at the Buzzard Roost, where I was obliged to
attend in consequence of some complaints I heard from the
Indians, respecting the inhabitants on the Oconee driving
great gangs of cattle over on this side in the fork of
Jullah Packa, and from that up, forty or fifty miles
higher; besides that the white people had built two or
three houses on this side. When I got to the Buzzard
Roost,

TRESPASSING ON THE INDIAN LANDS

I found the report I had heard was not groundless, as
there was a white man that had just arrived at the Roost
from Rock Landing, who convinced me that it was the case.
I heard, while I was at the Roost, that the Cowetas were
just going out to drive off all the stocks and kill some
of the inhabitants. I immediately sent off an express to
the Rock Landing, and wrote to the commanding officer
there, to order the people to drive their stock back. I
likewise acquainted his Excellency the Governor with the
circumstance, and of the ill consequences that would
follow, if he did not put a stop to such proceedings; I
at the same time wrote to Captain Philips, that lives
nearly opposite where those cattle were driven over. I
have since been at the town, had a letter from Captain
Phillips, where he mentions, that some of the hunting
Indians had given them liberty, last fall, to drive their
stock over till the spring, which I do not believe; but
whether or not, I should imagine that they might have a
little more knowledge of Indian matters than to think
such liberties would hold good with the whole nation.
Major Gaither was kind enough to answer my letter,
wherein he informs me that he has given his orders for
all the stock to be driven back, which he says was duly
complied with. A few days ago at the meeting, I have had
more complaints laid before me of the like nature which I
immediately informed Major Gaither of, and Captain
Philips; both of which is, that the white  people came
and encamped out, thirty or forty miles on this side of
the river, and hunted, with fire, and all day with
rifles, and destroyed the game so bad, they can hardly
find a turkey or a deer to kill, and with great gangs of
dogs hunting bear; this the Indians say they cannot put
up with; and if the white people do not decline such
proceedings, they will kill some of them. . . Had it not
been for those imprudent steps of the Oconee settlers,
driving their stocks over the river, the Shawanese talks
would not have had near as much effect on the minds of
the Creeks, as it was a good subject for the Shawanese to
work on, telling them it was the way the white people
served them to the northward. (I.A., pp. 381, 382.)

The trespassing on the Indian lands is blamed for a lot

of the Indian troubles of this period. Likewise this in
all probability encouraged to a great extent the
attempted settling of these lands in 1794 by Elijah
Clarke.

Following the drastic action taken by the Georgians in
removing Clarke's settlers, there seems to have been
fewer violations of the law forbidding trespassing on the
Indian lands for a short period of time. However, before
the treaty of Colerain in 1796, they were at it again. At
this treaty the complaint of the Indians is as follows:

"On the west side of the Oconee, high up, that is, from
Fort Fidius upward, that the woods is full of cattle,
hogs, and horses, some of which range near the Ocmulgee.
Besides that, those woods are constantly full of white
men, hunters, even going about in the night, hunting deer
with firelight. They say their hunters, in consequence of
such proceedings are frightened, and drove in from their
hunting grounds; every cane swamp, where they go to look
for a bear, which is part of their support, is near eat
out with the stocks put over by the citizens of Georgia.

" . . . From the fork of the Oconee and Ocmulgee, up to
the mouth of Apalachy, and all up the west side of that
river, there have been seen, hogs, horses, and cattle,
ranging as far back as the waters of Ocmulgee, all the
winter past. As that land is the property of the Indians,
these must be immediately removed to the east side of the
Oconee.

"The white people come over hunting; they hunt by night,
with fire; they go even to the creeks of Ocmulgee, they
encamp, and tarry days and nights on the heads of those
waters; they carry off fish by loads, and when the Indian
hunters come into these lands, they find the whites
there, taking their deer and other game; and this they do
constantly. This is a complaint, which the whole
representation of the nation now present, old and young,
make to you. And we require that an immediate stop should
be put to this trespass on our rights. The young men,
particularly, who are most interested and most injured by
it, request this.

"I have stated many complaints of the nation, and I am

TRESPASSING ON THE INDIAN LANDS

desirous to state the wishes of the Indians. It is, that
it be exponed as the understanding of the nation present,
that, from the middle of the Oconee, on the east side,
belongs to the whites, that there they may do as they
please; but that all the west side of the centre line
which divides the Oconee, including creeks, and all
waters, belongs to the Indians, and that the whites have
no right to go there." (Indian Affairs Vol. I, pp. 604,
607.)

The complaint of Efau Haujo at the Treaty of Fort
Wilkinson likewise illustrates some of the things the
Indians had to put up with during the years preceding
1802.

The year following the treaty at Colerain found a number
of settlers on the west side of the Oconee not merely
engaged in stockraising but now with plantations. Col.
Gaither, the federal commander, placed himself at the
head of cavalry and forced these settlers to remove and
destroyed their plantation. In addition to the federal
law, there was a state law providing for the punishment
of trespassers on the Indian lands and the Justices of
the counties along the river were required to punish
violaters of this act. After the treaty of Fort Wilkinson
this act was repealed and the statement was made that
though the law was on the statute book yet not a single
man had been convicted.

THE LAMAR INSURRECTION

During 1797, following the treaty of Colerain, which was
such a bitter disappointment to the Georgians, the
federal, Col. Gaither, found his hands full in preventing
violations of the treaty. Though having destroyed the
settlements of the trespassers who had actually made
their homes on these earlier in the year, in May the
poaching on these lands had become so notorious that
detachments from Fort Fidius captured four Georgians and
confined them in the fort on the charge of fire hunting.
Announcement was made that they would be sent to Savannah
to be tried by the Federal court. So great was the rage
of the people of Hancock county at this act on the part
of the federal soldiers, that Col. Thomas Lamar, who was
at this time

commanding the militia of Hancock county, having had
considerable reputation as an Indian fighter in the
expeditions sent out against the Indians, now placed
himself at the head of one hundred men and marched
against Fort Fidius and demanded that the men confined in
the garrison be surrendered to him. Though refused, Col.
Lamar evidently considered the fort too strong for his
small force to storm. In order to carry these men to
Savannah for trial it was necessary to pass through the
portion of the state bitterly hostile to the federal
authority and it was expected any attempt to carry them
there would be the signal for a battle between the
militia and the federal detachments. However, in the face
of these threats, Col. Gaither sent Captain Webb with
forty-eight dragoons and the four prisoners were
delivered safely at the Savannah jail. (Letters of B.
Hawkins, 460, 463.)

CHAPTER 17

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

TO the Georgians penned within the narrow confines east
of Tthe Oconee the failure of the treaty makers at
Colerain to Tobtain additional cessions of territory was
a most serious matter. The population was increasing
tremendously, yet there was no increase in land.

To the Indians, likewise, who were accustomed to live by
hunting and fishing a cession of their hunting grounds
was a serious matter. Following the Treaty of Colerain,
Benjamin Hawkins, as Agent having been instructed to
approach the Indians on the subject reported that so
bitterly opposed were the Indians to any further cession
that one had to be high in their confidence to mention
such a subject to them without being openly insulted.

Hawkins, however, set about preparing the Indian mind, by
indirect methods for a cession. First, he succeeded in
convincing them he was sincere in his efforts towards
helping them. Next he began introducing a plan of
civilization suitable

to the Indians psychology and mode of living. He taught
them gradually to use plows and cultivate larger crops
and to substitute the raising of cows and hogs for a
living rather than depend on hunting. Less land was thus
needed by those Indians who would adopt his plans, and
they slowly became reconciled to the idea of selling a
portion.

The treaty with Spain in 1795, which bound that power to
refrain from interfering with the relations of this
government with the Creeks and the removal of the Spanish
garrisons from the lands claimed by Georgia, had a most
wholesome effect on the Creeks. No longer supplied with
guns, ammunition and supplies from that power, the Creeks
became more and more dependent upon the American
government for their stipends and trade. With the growth
of civilization their wants were increasing and their
annual stipends were insufficient to supply their needs.
Debts at the trading post at Fort Wilkinson began to
mount, and it was provided these debts should be deducted
from the payments agreed upon by the federal government
under the treaties of Colerain and New York. It was soon
evident that the Creeks would have to sell a portion of
their lands or lack many necessities.

Following closely on the heels of the inauguration of
Thomas Jefferson as President events leading to a cession
of lands began to move rapidly forward. Milledge, Baldwin
and Jackson, Commissioners from Georgia to treat with the
United States on the Mississippi Territory question,
having solved the Yazoo problem and bound the American
government by a covenant to extinguish the Indian claims
to their lands in Georgia, Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew
Pickens and General James Wilkinson were appointed
Commissioners to represent the American government in a
treaty to be held with the Indians at Fort Wilkinson in
May, 1802.

The summons were sent to the chieftains of all the tribes
to meet the Commissioners at that time. Not knowing what
would be demanded of them at this meeting the chiefs were
greatly agitated and continuously for months prior to the
meeting importuned Hawkins to give them information on
the

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

matter, but apparently he only whetted their curiosity
and upon every opportunity suggested the advisability of
their selling some of their lands in order to pay their
debts and supply their wants.

In the meantime it would seem that the British were
resuming their interference with the Creeks, inasmuch as
at this very opportune time we find Bowles returning from
England, and stirring up more trouble among the Seminole
towns in opposition to the proposed treaty. Landing a
shipload of goods which had been received from the
Bahamas, the wily Bowles attempted to break up the Fort
Wilkinson conference by inviting the Creeks to come down
and share in the gifts which the British had sent. But
the power of Bowles over the main body of Creeks was
insufficient to lure them all away, although  he did
induce a number of towns to stay with him, conspicuous
among which was the old Oconee tribe now the nucleus of
the Seminoles. In addition to this, many other partizans
of Bowles scattered throughout the Creek nation,
disseminated false rumors concerning the treaty and
induced all they could to go towards St. Marks near where
Bowles was. Thus there was a strong minority element
among the Creeks which very likely had its effect in
making the Chiefs at Fort Wilkinson cautious in selling
lands. (Letters Benjamin Hawkins, 414, 415, 417, 418,
421.)

Great preparations were now going on at Fort Wilkinson
for the entertainment of the Indians. So great a quantity
of food was necessary that the country, in the vicinity
could not supply it and runners were sent to the stock
raisers among the Indians for beef.

Early in May the Indians began to arrive, and pitched
their camp two or three miles from Fort Wilkinson. Each
day their numbers were augmented as more and more arrived
until an excellent representation from the nation was on
hand, thirty-two towns being represented.

The Commissioners deeming it advisable to be as near the
Indians at all times, as possible, moved out and encamped
with them.

Unavoidable delays occurring which prevented an immediate
entering into the treaty, the Indians  began to grow
impatient, and to insist that the Commissioners
distribute presents among them. Rumors arrived that
Bowles with his Seminoles and other adherents was
attacking the Spaniards in Florida and plundering them.
To add to the troubles of the Commissioners, an Indian in
the camp while having a difficulty with a negro slave,
was set upon by the negro's owner. Being hard pressed in
fighting both, the Indian drew a knife and stabbed the
white man in the leg, and then turning fled to the Indian
country. Some white men seized the opportunity to steal a
number of the Indians' horses. In spite of all this the
Indians remained peaceful, and did not make any raids
upon the frontiers.

The commissioners realized that one of the most important
cessions of land to insist on was that west of the
Oconee. It was soon evident, that the Indians would
refuse to cede all the lands to the Ocmulgee, but if the
settlers once were allowed to cross the river, even for a
narrow strip of land the psychological effect would make
it easier to obtain further cessions later. Thus the
Commissioners began bending their energies toward
obtaining as much land here as possible.

Upon approaching the chiefs on the subject of selling
that part of the lands which was later to be Wilkinson
County, they urged that this be not insisted on as these
lands belonged to the Seminoles or Oconees below the Rock
Landing, and that if this land was sold the Seminoles in
revenge would attack the frontiers and thus involve the
whole Creek nation in war with the Americans (I.A. p.
670).

The Commissioners "had to combat, not only the
jealousies, distrusts, and fears, natural to the Indians,
but, also, an apprehension, serious and alarming to the
old chiefs, that, if they ceded any part of their
country, their young warriors might resist it, and
joining the partizans of Bowles, divide the nation, wrest
the government from those who at present administer it,
and, by some hasty and imprudent act, involve their
country in ruin." (I.A. p. 680.)

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

Efau Haujo, the Mad Dog of the Tuckabatches, had been
elected chief speaker for the Indians. He had served
under the great McGillivray and had imbibed from him a
knowledge and a skill in the art of diplomacy, seldom
found at that time in the full blooded Indian. He knew
the great need of the white man for more land and
carefully estimated the lengths the Commissioners would
go in order to obtain even a small cession on the west
side of the Oconee. He knew the value of the lands the
Indians were ceding and he demanded full value. He knew
the stock would graze on the remainder of the Indian
lands to the Ocmulgee; he put all this in the bill -and
got his demands. A careful reading of the talks of this
great chieftain convinces one that the American
Commissioners were not dealing with an ignorant savage
but with a man who could hold his own in the game of
making treaties, and that the Creeks could not have
selected a better leader to protect their rights. One
gets the impression from his talks that although he was
speaking to the Commissioners, he knew his words which
had been reduced to writing would be read by President
Jefferson, and that he was making use of this opportunity
to let Jefferson know of the condition of the Creeks.

The Creeks first had determined on selling merely the
small scope of land lying between the Indian path leading
from the Rock Landing to the Crossing of Commissioner
Creek, thence northward to the High Shoals on the
Apalachy. Although having been served with notice that
the Creeks present disclaimed title to the lands below
the Rock Landing, however, when General Wilkinson rose to
reply to the talks of Efau Haujo he insisted on the
Indians selling all the lands lying east of the Ocmulgee
and also the Talassee country but said if they could not
spare all this to sell them all the land from the mouth
of Commissioner Creek up the Creek and on to the High
Shoals of the Apalachy, at the same time referring to the
needs of the Indians for the additional money and goods
which would be paid them.

General Wilkinson further referred to the rebellious
Seminoles as opposing the will of the Creek nation and
uniting

with the imposter Bowles, stating that they had been
invited to attend this meeting but had refused to come.
He deftly insinuated to the Chiefs that their authority
had been flaunted by the Seminoles, and urged them as
rulers of the land to assert their mastery promising them
that should the adherents of Bowles make trouble, the
American army would go to the aid of the Creeks.

It was perhaps due to this speech of General Wilkinson
that the Indians at this time were induced to sell the
lands which belonged to the Oconees, and, in all
probability, this was one reason why the Legislature
later named the county which comprised these lands,
Wilkinson. Suffice to say after a short conference
following Wilkinson's speech, the Coweta and Cussetah
Chiefs informed the Commissioners they would sell more
lands than they first intended, and as set forth in the
treaty.

The treaty having been concluded Efau Haujo sent a
peremptory order to the Seminoles that they immediately
cease their rebellious attitude towards the other Creeks
and their warfare against the Spaniards, threatening them
with punishment unless they altered their course. He
demanded that they write him at once what they meant to
do. A white man, Burges, the interpreter among the
Seminoles at the time, had fallen into disrepute lately.
The latter part of his letter commanded Burges to
interpret the letter straight.

Mooklausau Hopoie, another Chieftain, seems to have had
no faith in any answer of the Seminoles, so he sent two
men to "watch the eyes of the Seminoles, their tongues
and lips and every feature of their countenance whilst
they are speaking."

Thus a portion of the lands of Wilkinson county was now
obtained at the expense of the Oconees, the rightful
owners; trouble was expected to result from this sale
with the Creeks and by the whites. With a leader such as
Bowles to spur them on and with a number of towns allied
with them it would be but natural for the war cry of the
Oconees to be heard again on the waters of the Oconee.
Likewise, a Civil war among the

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

Indians was a strong possibility. The surveying and
cutting out of the Indian boundary lines usually was the
scene of trouble, and the new boundary line through the
county had to be marked out, the custom being to cut down
all trees along the route thirty feet wide.

Bowles did not wait for the treaty at Fort Wilkinson to
be completed before starting his campaign.

While a large number of the Creeks were still at Fort
Wilkinson treating with the Commissioners for the sale of
the lands, Bowles was calling together his henchmen to
meet him in Council at Estesunalga, and had resolutions
passed denouncing in the bitterest terms the actions of
the Commissioners in treating with the Creeks. A copy of
the resolutions written in Bowles' handwriting was sent
to the Commissioners:

"To the Commissioners of the U.S. at Ft. Wilkinson, on
the Oconee:

"Gentlemen"

"We, the legal and constitutional head men of the
Muscogee Nation, called by you the  Creeks, hearing that
you had invited a number of men to the Fort on the Oconee
promising them presents, in order to induce them to go;
and having long experienced the evil tendency of such
meetings, where you have exhibited long instruments of
writing, that could neither be explained by you nor
understood by those of our people present; yet you have
by means, best known to yourselves, procured thereto, a
long string of names, giving the appearance of a national
authority and sanction to instruments of writing, as
agreements made between us , and held them out to the
world as such, while we never knew or understood anything
of the business.

"Having observed at this time, that our people have been
promiscuously invited to the Oconee, and promised large
presents, rather more mysterious than on former
occasions. We think it a duty we owe to our country to
put a stop to such practices, which tend only to create
disturbance

between us, that may terminate in a war, the which we do
not wish. Therefore, we being now met in Council, do
determine and declare, that this Nation is not, nor
cannot be bound by any such talk or agreement so made.
That no act whatever is legal unless done in Full Council
of the Nation, at a place previously appointed and agreed
on by the head men for such meeting; and according to the
laws of our confederation with our brothers, the
Cherokees, Chickasaws and Chactaws, no lands can be ceded
except by agreement of the Chiefs of the Confederation in
Council met.

"We are now engaged in a war with the Spaniards in
defense of our rights, our lands and everything dear to
us; and we shall defend ourselves against all peoples,
who shall attempt to usurp or make encroachments on us.

"We wish you Americans to be honest, lay aside your
schemes of land speculations, and be good neighbors, we
promise to be so with you. Let us have peace and a free
trade between us, which alone can be mutually beneficial.

"We are ready to form a treaty with you and regulate all
matters between us, so that fair limits may be set, and a
criterion fixed by which to regulate the conduct of our
respective people. But such transactions must be National
Acts and not done by people who go to the Oconee in order
to have a drunken frolic.

"Done in Council at Estesunalga.

"This 4th day of June, 1802, being present the chief and
head men, as follows: Pnethla Mekko, Tallegisko Mekko,
Hallato Mekko, Tussakia Mekko, Chehane Mekko, Hallato
Mekko.

"With the representatives of sixteen towns and presenced
by us the Director General of Muscogee.

"WM. A. BOWLES"

"The foregoing letter being read in full Council of the
Nation, at the Parrackockla Town, the 2nd of March and
again, agreeable to adjournment, at the Tuckseesaile, the
18 March where it was unanimously approved of, and passed
into a resolve:

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

"And whereas some attempts have been made to interrupt
the trade between the State of Georgia and this nation,
the following resolves among others were entered into and
passed into law:

"I. Resolved. That from this day forth any person who
shall take part with our enemies and act any way against
us, shall suffer death.

"2. Resolved. That our trade shall be free to all people
not at war with us subject only to the laws made by us in
Council; and that the papers circulated by Benjamin
Hawkins are of no effect and not made with our knowledge
or consent.

"Ordered that our resolves be made public."

(The Augusta Chronicle and Gazette of the State, June 25,
1803.)

CEREMONIES OF THE INDIANS AND TALKS DELIVERED BY EFAU
HAUJO,

THE MAD DOG OF THE TUCKABACHES,

CHIEF SPEAKER OF THE CREEKS AT THE

TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

The chiefs sent to inform the commissioners that, on the
next day, they wished to receive them, according to the
ancient customs of their country, at the public square;
and they requested the commissioners to be ready to move
from their encampment early in the morning, and as soon
as the runners arrived, to inform them that everything
was ready for their reception.

MAY 24.-The commissioners went to the square, and were
seated, with all their attendants. The chiefs of the
Upper and Lower towns having met at some distance from
them, moved on in a body; two men in front, dancing the
eagle tail dance, to music, accompanied by the voices of
all men and women. As soon as they arrived at the square,
the commissioners moved to a place prepared for them,
when they were touched by the wings in the hands of the
dancers; behind General Wilkinson was a small pit, and a
white staff standing

by it; they brought a bow and arrows, painted red, showed
them to the commissioners, then broke them, put them into
the pit, covered them with earth, and with a white deer
skin; three great chiefs, representing the Upper and
Lower towns, wiped the faces of the commissioners with
white deer skin, spread the skins on a log, and they sat
them down. General Wilkinson was directed to put his foot
on the skin covering the pit. With three other skins they
covered the commissioners, and after the embrace of
friendship, Efau Haujo addressed them as follows:

We, this day a fine one for the occasion a clear sun and
sky, meet our friends, brothers, and fathers to take them
by the hand, according to the customs of our forefathers,
as old as time itself. We have at the foot of the
General, buried the sharp weapons of war, which were in
use in old times, and such as we have; our white deer
skins we place on the seat of our friends, and cover them
with the same; we add on other emblem, a pipe.

The advice of our father, Washington, we have taken; we
remember it, and this day we renew it. I am happy we meet
in our own land, under the shades of our own trees,
fanned with our own air, with straight hearts. Some time
since, our father Washington left us, and is buried. The
advice he gave was good for us; we see it, and know it;
his successor followed his example, and the now great man
comes with like assurances; they are brought us by their
great General and beloved men. Oconee's waters are
divided; one-half was given to the whites; thence from
its source, over the Currahee mountain, to the other
nation's lines. When the old President Washington sent
commissioners to the chiefs of the Creeks, he said, when
that line was run it should be fixed and permanent.

I am speaking for my young kings, warriors, and my
nation, to the commissioners, that all may know we wish
them well. I have a white staff now in my hand, for the
new great General, which I will plant; it will grow and
have a shade, fanned with cool breezes. When this tree is
put there to grow, it will have a shade, for our friends
quite round to the

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

Mississippi. I have but a short talk today, and I deliver
with it the tree to the commissioners.

You three gentlemen saw me when I was in my own land. You
saw me here; you told me that the great man to the
Northward gave you great talks, and you have given them
to us. I mentioned when I saw you, that I was old, but
nevertheless, we would talk over old things together. I
was told by your beloved men, that the talk you have
given us was straight, and that, before we parted,
everything would be straight on both sides. According to
what has passed between us about the business, we have
come forward, and today I am going to talk about the
same. I was told, that when all things were made
straight, it would be to the happiness and tend to
prolong the safety of the red people. I wish to give a
talk, that will be the means of putting it in power of
being friends with all my red people, and the white
people.

I address myself to the gentlemen appointed to speak to
us, to let them know our poverty and distress; and I hope
they will think what I do will be right and acceptable. I
have been talked to a great deal before I could lift up
my head, but now I can lift up my head and look up. The
thing that was asked us to part with, was like asking us
to cut ourselves in two, and take one half one way, and
the other half the other way. I was told by the great
men, who were appointed to bring us the talk of the great
man, that they  hoped we would not throw his talk away;
and I hope they will consider that we have not thrown his
talk away. You see my situation; I am poor, and I
consider that I have made myself very poor in complying;
yet I have considered it, and I have done it. I saw the
great complaints which hang over our land; they have been
laid before us; we have considered them as they are. Upon
the talk you gave us, we have considered much; it was
some time before I could make up my mind upon it, but I
have weighed it well, and am now going to give my mind
upon it. When a man has a child, he considers him, and is
not willing to distress him and make him poor. I hope
what we do, though is not as much as was required and
expected, yet it will be thought sufficient. I hope

it will be considered as it is; and that, although it is
not what was asked, yet it will suffice for the present
demands. We now give on paper (delivering the map) what
we mean and intend; it is a map of the country we cede.

The Oconee is a large river, half was ours; it was a
stopping place; but we see cattle is over, and will be
over; and if they were on Ocmulgee, the cattle would be
over, and being near to the Indians, there would be no
chance of preserving peace between them and their
friends. I hope it will be considered it is not right to
make us too poor, and that it will not be thought hard
that we parted with no more; we can lie down and enjoy
what we have; although it is but little, we may rest on
it. I have been told our people are very mad; it is so,
they are so; but we are not the only mad people; the
white people, they come over, hunt on our lands, some
with fire and with firearms; and the cattle they are
over, and have eaten all the food of our black game (the
bear). We were told that people were set to prevent it,
and to protect our rights, but they cannot prevent these
things; they are over, and we see they are over; and we
see they cannot be prevented. The President of the United
States, who sent these talks, we hope and expect, gave
you full powers, and that you will, as formerly, endeavor
to put things in force, to prevent these things, before
there is an end of our business. What I speak in time
for, is, I see when there was a river, people could not
be restrained; and now, when there is no water boundary,
they will perhaps act as they have done; they have
stopped our creeks with fish traps, and also our part of
the river; they cut cedar on the Ocmulgee, and at other
places. The fish at Ocmulgee, and terrapins, are ours,
and we wish they may remain to our use.

Why I say so much on this subject is, that I know the
past, and I wish to begin in time, to prevent the
consequences which I apprehend. I speak, that the whites,
and Indians may equally take pains, in a gentle manner,
and by gentle means, in time, to preserve good
neighborhood, and  that they will exert themselves to
that end. I consider it in this light, that the heads of
the white people, who can govern their people, should

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

take the necessary precautions on their part, to keep
their young people in bounds, and we will do the same on
our part, as well as we can. When Oconee was made the
line, the river was the bounds for stock; we were told,
in Mr. Seagrove's time, if hunters came over, we might
take their guns; if trappers came, we might take their
traps; and if cattle came over, we might drive them off.
We have not done these things; we wished to be in peace
and friendship with our neighbors, and therefore we have
not done these things; and we have submitted to the loss
of our grass and game, to be in peace with our friends.
This is not all. It is not here only, but on Cumberland;
they have large dogs and horses, and they come out there,
and hunt for, or drive off the bear, before our hunters
get there. Our faults were mentioned; we must mention our
complaints against our neighbors.

I give this warning before hand, because I know cattle
and horses know not lines, and will go after grass. When
a man goes after his horse or cow, let him take a bridle
and go after him, if it is on our land, but he must go
without a gun; I hear that here, where the lines are
known, the people come over a day's walk from the line to
good food, and there give salt to their stock; they also
take out their hogs with corn, and leave them in every
part on our borders. By carrying their stock out so far,
they accustom them to going still farther, and they get
lost, and when they are lost, the Indians are blamed for
it; sometimes they have seen horses out for ten months as
strays, and the Indians are accused, and charged with
stealing them. I wish that the white people would keep
their stock as much as possible on their own side, and
endeavor to induce them to stay on their own side. If
cattle go over the line, we wish that they may be
returned in peace; horses, hogs, and everything, may be
returned in like manner. There must be many white people
unknown to us, who have stock among us; when they come
after it we wish to assist them in getting it back, and
will direct them by signs and other ways to get their
property, if they cannot talk our language.

The day is appointed to consider our distressed situa

tion, and to remove all difficulties; this day the land
under us we have given up, the trees around us, the
water, fine for mills, and good land, and a great deal of
it. The good that will arise from the land will  have no
end; in the summer there will be the grass for stock, and
other things in the winter; I consider these things, and
I have given them up. The way of the red man is this;
they are a poor people; if there be any oak trees, they
get the acorns from them, and from hickory trees they get
hickory nuts, and the blackberries in their season. I
address myself to Colonel Hawkins, and I find the white
people do the same; they suppose you favor the red
people, but we believe you hide nothing from either side,
and you are the friend of both. When people buy or sell,
or bargain for anything, they take care to understand
each other rightly, before they put a price on it; I
think that a hundred measures of land (acres) should be
two hundred dollars; there are a great many charges
against us by the white people; they do not spare in
their charges for things that are not lasting, and
therefore, we ask a price for that which is lasting. You
will consider the debts we owe, and fix them, and first
pay them; then what remains, to be paid us, as our
annuity. It may be thought that I ask a great price for
land, but I know that hogs, cattle, and horses, know not
bounds, and they will eat our grass to Ocmulgee, and we
must set this value on our lands; I mention this business
now, that you may hear it. It was the talk of the old
President, that the military should be put down to
protect them; they are now left behind, and we wish they
may be brought forward, and posted at the corner where
the line turns from the Indian country road out side.
There is a greater opportunity now than formerly, for
wild people to transgress, and, of course, a greater
necessity for the aid of the military. We have agreed
that where the Apalachy path crosses the line, old Mr.
Philips, his sons and families, shall have lands; it is
to be outside of the lines now ceded, and Coweta and
Cussetah will fix the place for them, and will point it
out, and these people are to keep a store there for the
red people. Perhaps you may want to run your line, now
offered, immediately; if so, we will appoint

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

four men from each town to run it with you; we mention
this as perhaps you may think that man (meaning Bowles)
may do something to prevent it. Here you may see the
inconvenience from drinking, and we wish our young people
may have no temptation to go among the white people for
drink, but be confined to these trading places. We wish
our stipend may be paid us in hard dollars; when we take
it, we can divide it, and lay it out as we please.

I turn to another subject; I am now going to speak about
the lines of Tombigby; I want to know who the people are
who live there that I may know who to address myself to
for redress of the complaints there. The reason I ask is,
I want to know who owns the land where the old British
line is, that when I turn them over the line, I may know
whether I can apply to them for their for assistance; the
people of Tombigby have put over their cattle in the fork
on the Alabama hunting grounds, and they have gone a
great way on our lands; I want them to be put back; the
Indians begin to complain, and will soon begin to do
mischief. We all know the owners of these cattle are
Americans, on this side of the line of limits, and here
it is that we mention it to the commissioners.

I am a sufferer, and I expect it will be considered that
I am one. I hope you will consider me so, and that you
will not turn my talks aside, or consider them as
trifling. My people are a poor people; and the reason I
speak so much upon the subject is, because I wish you to
consider us so. You have seen me, my country, and my
people; and I hope the President may see my talks as they
are delivered, that, in future, we may not be pressed
upon. It must be considered in this way, that we have
spared that which is necessary to us, and we have not
enough for our own use. As we are the aboriginals in this
land, we hope it will be considered that the land is
ours; and this is the talk of all the chiefs present. The
President, as you have told us, sent his talk, and it
must be so; we receive it as such; we have gone as far as
we well can; it is like splitting us in two, and giving
away half of us; we do this, and we are in hopes, in
future, we shall be safe. Now I lay down this line plain,
that

you may see, you are a great people, if any should come
over and encroach upon our lands, they will trespass upon
our rights, and violate our peace, and we are poor and
unable to help ourselves; and we hope great people in
authority will prevent these things, and save our lands.
Here are the masters of the land; we are all together; we
have done this; and from this day forward, if any men
should come among us after land, we shall look upon him
as not coming from the President. I have now talked to
the men from the President and if, in future, a man
should come among us after land, we now declare we shall
look upon him as not coming from the President, and I
shall direct all my men to take notice of this
accordingly. My request is to the commissioners now, that
as the garrison has been useful heretofore, in stopping
mischief makers, as was promised us, we wish they may be
continued, and put down on our frontiers; and that there
may be horsemen as well as foot, to repress the evil
doings, as well of my own people, as the white people; to
preserve peace when I am at home, and that in force,
sufficient to keep the mischief makers within bounds.

We have considered it so, that Philips and his friends
must be put down, not on the land we have sold, but
outside; it is a plan that we have got, that he and his
friends may guard that quarter; he has been a great
friend to our nation, and in consideration thereof, we
have done this. Another thing I mention to you in this
light, is, that there are people traveling with families,
with negroes, and property of value; and I caution you,
that my young men, when they see this, are tempted to
injure them, and I am not able to prevent it; if so many
go through as they do, scattering through all parts of
the country, I am appraised that bad consequences will
follow from it; let a path be found for them down the
Tennessee. It is known that there is a path for people
towards Natchez; all who go with families, should be
directed to that path, to prevent a breach of the peace,
and to preserve it. There is one way for travelers I have
mentioned,there is another, round our country, by water,
which is safe. I speak in this light; I do not love my
land from people who are coming after cattle, horses, or
hogs,

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

or to trade with us, or single persons coming with papers
on business; I confine myself to families, and the crowds
with their property; these I object to. I now take upon
myself to speak to the Quakers; I have found that the
tools they have sent us, as a token of their friendship,
have been useful to us, and we are better able to judge
now, than when we first received them, as we have tried
them, and found them useful to us; and we hope they will
send some more of them to us; they know what is useful,
and we will be grateful for them. Micco Thiucco, of
Cussetah, says he has tried them, and found them useful;
his plough is worn out, and he is much in need of
another; he understood that, after experiment, if they
were really found to be good, they might expect more; he
has tried them, found them to be good, reports it as
such, and asks for more.

We considered to have Mr. Hill near us, for our
accommodation, to attend our talks; and we know he must
have cattle for his own use, and that of Colonel Hawkins,
when he comes our way, or while he directs our talks. It
has been judged proper to have him near the Tussekiah
Micco, who can co-operate with him, in suppressing
disorders. I hope you will consider the blacksmith is not
to leave Mr. Hill, but to be put near him. One blacksmith
is not sufficient; we want another for the Lower towns,
and Tuskenehau Chapco, of Coweta, is pointed out to place
and to protect him.

Coweta Tuskenehau Chapco requests that a woman weaver may
be placed with the smith, to teach their young women to
weave, as they have already spun a good deal of cotton.

Tussekiah Micco requests that a woman may be placed with
Mr. Hill and the smith, to weave for his village; they
are desirous of instruction, and there are many women in
his village.

As for cropping, it was advised to pay attention to, and
make it the fashion, to plant; as yet, we have a little
hunting; it was what we have been brought up to; it is an
old custom, we cannot lay it aside, and we must attend to
that, too. Whenever

our young people find a skin, if it be but one, we wish a
place where we may carry it, and get something for it.
The hunters they have liberty to work or hunt. We do not
throw away cropping, stock, or weaving; we will attend to
them all, and will attend, also to hunting; if we get a
little by the latter, it will be something to add to our
chance in the former, if it be but little, it is
something. The first day the Indian found a white man,
they found a friend; and although they had no
interpreters, they found a way to trade, and two be
useful to each other and we wish to preserve trade. There
is another thing, the Cherokees have found a good price
for raccoons, foxes and wild cats; for large ones, they
have a chalk (quarter of a dollar) and when they are
small, they put two on each other. We find it not so
among us, and we wish one price for these things could be
found at the factories. Another thing they mention, is
what I have seen myself, since I came here; the goods
have risen in price; can it be that they are small things
growing out of the ground, and as such, we purchased them
when we came, and they have now grown larger, and a price
accordingly appear on the same thing?

I am now going to speak on another subject; the treaty at
Coleraine, some articles of which are not fulfilled. I am
now going to make an effort to progress; I have not the
power to lift up an arm against our neighboring towns; we
consider that, after this treaty, when we go home, we
shall try to put in force our warriors, there are a good
many towns here present who speak upon it; there is no
other way to fulfill the promise of the old treaty. There
are but two keys; the United States have one, and a
store, and Spain has the other now in Pensacola; these
two keys must lock the doors, and be put in the pocket. I
do not say how many months, or how many years, it can be
done, and then for this door to be opened. It is to be
left to me to order the door to be opened, as soon as we
have done our business, by carrying the treaty into
effect. If a white man, as factor or trader, should take
any goods from the United States or Spain, to the nation,
there must be a rule by which they are to be punished;
and the regulation must be in force, till the nation

THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON

gives satisfaction, in the cases complained of. We blame
not the white people, we blame ourselves; and this is to
remain a law, until the nation complies with her treaty
stipulations. When we have done this, the doors must be
opened, and let trade take its course. This is a law we
have now made, and it must be sent to the Cherokees,
Chickasaws, and Choctaws, that they may know it. And it
is our law that these nations shall not supply any goods
to a Creek. Now, Cherokees, our brothers, some of our
people are running to you for trade; you must put a stop
to it, as well as the United States and Spain; the same
we address to the Chickasaws and Choctaws.

There is this proviso in our law; people in debt may go
pay their debts, and if they have a balance due them, let
them take money or due bills, and keep them till a
regular trade is restored. This law is passed by our own
chiefs; if injury is done any one, we are to feel the
misery of it ourselves, from a want of trade. I think my
talks have been extended as far as in my power, to
preserve peace. I hope that you, Colonel Hawkins, will
first put it in force, sending it to the agents of the
other three nations, and assist us in carrying it into
effect, and see to the execution of it, till our object
is effected. As this is the finishing of the talk, I have
to regret that our women, with the hoes, are behind us;
that they and their children are likely to have poverty
and hunger for their lot. I consider all this, and it is
my care; it presses heavily on my mind. I think I have
done all in my power to save my land. I want, in three
days, at farthest, to try to set out, that we may not
entirely lose our crops, and all suffer with hunger. This
is the end of my talk, and I hope it will be for the
benefit of all, when we are dead and gone.

CHAPTER 18

DISSATISFACTION IN GEORGIA

THE narrow strip of land along the Oconee acquired under
Tthis treaty was a most bitter disappointment to the
Geor-

Tgians who were expecting to obtain all the lands to the
Ocmulgee. The most scorching criticism was heaped upon
the three Commissioners for obtaining such a small
cession. The Grand Jury of Wilkes County passed a
resolution condemning it.

So bitter became the denunciation by the Georgians that
even General Wilkinson was made to feel the weight of it.
After completing all the details of the treaty he went to
Augusta, and although as the commander of all the Federal
troops in the South yet he was accorded a most cool
reception. True to his character General Wilkinson was
found passing the buck to the other two commissioners and
blaming them for the failure to obtain the lands to the
Ocmulgee.

UNREST AMONG THE CREEKS

Likewise in the Creek nation as the news of the cession
was received, the storm of indignation burst in all its
fury. It was an opportunity not to be neglected by Bowles
to fan the flames of passion and prejudice of the
Indians.

Following the treaty of Fort Wilkinson the venerable

DISSATISFACTION IN GEORGIA

Efau Haujo had abdicated as Chief Speaker of the Creek
nation and Hopoi Micco had been chosen in his stead. Now
he found his hands full in controlling the discordant
elements of his dominions.

Hawkins realized that a serious crisis was facing the
Creek nation and that the most drastic action was
necessary to save it from all the horrors of a civil war
as well as the frontiers of Georgia from the massacres
which had prevailed only a few years previous. Bowles
being the evil genius spurring on the refractory elements
of the Creeks it was absolutely necessary that he be
removed. In this he was aided by the Spaniards in Florida
who had suffered so severely at Bowles' hands. Already
the Governor of Florida had offered a reward of $4,500.00
for Bowles' capture, but the Indians had never seen fit
to deliver him and claim the reward. Hawkins determined
upon his capture and delivery to the Spaniards.
Collecting some of the Creek warriors in May, 1803, he
succeeded by stratagem in capturing Bowles and turned him
over to the Spaniards who sent him to Moro Castle.

Although the Creek nation was thus rid of the main leader
of those in opposition to the treaty, yet this element
was exceedingly strong and the loss of their leader did
not end the troubles. On the contrary it only the more
enraged many of Bowles adherents at the manner in which
Bowles had been taken.

THE OOSEOOCHEE CONVENTION

In May, 1803, Hawkins, Wilkinson and General Robert
Anderson were appointed Commissioners to bring about a
new treaty with the Indians and purchase the lands to the
Ocmulgee.

A meeting of the Creeks was called in August of that year
and was held at Ooseoochee, a town of the Lower Creeks
especially friendly to Bowles. Hawkins and Anderson were
the only Commissioners present, Wilkinson not arriving.

From its very beginning it was evident that the meeting
was doomed to end in failure. Though Bowles was a
prisoner in the hands of the Spaniards he had left able
lieuten

ants to carry on his work, who felt outraged at the
capture of their leader. By holding secret meetings
beforehand these friends of Bowles had a perfect
organization, and had their plan of campaign completely
mapped out. All the towns on the Flint River besides the
Seminoles had joined them. They now had the meeting in
one of their own towns, thus having the advantage in
their favor from this standpoint, and they took the
precaution to pack the convention by having all the
friends of Bowles on hand. The Chief Speaker of the
nation, Hopoie Mico and the other chiefs favorable to the
treaty of Fort Wilkinson had been kept in the dark
concerning the plans of the opposition and their towns
were not so well represented. Although the Chief Speaker
of the whole Creek nation was present, the rebellious
element elected a speaker to represent them, and to the
utter astonishment of the other Indians, from the very
beginning steam-rollered the convention. They refused to
ratify the treaty of Fort Wilkinson, and when the money
due the various towns under the treaty was offered them,
refused to accept it, at the same time serving notice
that they would prevent the marking of the Indian
Boundary lines. The most bitter denunciations were heaped
upon all who had taken part in the treaty, even President
Jefferson was charged with cunning and duplicity, and the
Commissioners insulted.

Bowles had convinced his adherents that war between
England and France would soon draw the United States into
it, and that the British would return, bringing with them
the rich gifts with which they had in former years been
accustomed to supply their red allies. Some one had
spread the rumor among them that one of the motives of
the meeting was to invite the aid of the Creeks as allies
on the side of the Americans.

However, after two days, Hopoie Micco, Chief Speaker, and
the other chieftains of the Upper Creeks, having
recovered from their discomfiture at the tactics of the
opposition, set to work and began to assert their
authority in the convention. The debates now grew in
warmth as the Indians argued pro and con the situation
confronting the Creek nation, and this was,

DISSATISFACTION IN GEORGIA

perhaps, one of the most hotly contested councils in the
history of the Creeks. The Chief Speaker of the nation
and the chiefs of the Upper Creeks agreed to accept the
payments due under the treaty, but the opposition
persistently refused to accept theirs and it was returned
to the Commissioners. The supporters of Hopoie Micco
having accepted their portion, now served notice on the
others that the line should be marked and that the Upper
Creeks would attend the markings and see that it was
done. (Letter of General Anderson, Augusta Chronicle,
Sept. 24, 1803; Letters of B. Hawkins, p. 438.)

CHAPTER 19

THE DEVELOPMENT

OF THE NEW LANDS

IN the meantime necessary delays prevented the Georgia
ILegislature from acting in regard to the settling of the
Inewly acquired lands. The Treaty had to be approved by
President Jefferson before it could become valid. Another
was that it would be dangerous for the surveys to be made
before the Indian Boundary Line should be marked. Thus it
was in May, 1803, before the Legislature could pass an
act authorizing the surveys of the lands, but on the 11th
of that month the bill became a law, providing for a line
to be run from Fort Wilkinson southwest to the Indian
Boundary line, and all the territory below that line and
east of the Indian Boundary Line to be called Wilkinson
County.

The act further provided for the laying off of five land
districts and numbering them from one to five. The lands
lying in these districts to be surveyed into lots of two
hundred, two and one-half acres each.

Meanwhile the war-clouds continued to gather in the
Indian nation as the attempts were being made to survey
and mark out the Indian Boundary Line. Threats to burn
Hawkins' establishment on the Flint river and to kill him
were being openly made by the Indians. Chiefs friendly to
the whites were threatened with the war stick.

The hostility of the Bowles faction of the Indians

DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEW LANDS

holding up the marking of the boundary line thus delayed
the work of the surveyors for still another year, in the
face of the impatient clamors of the people of Georgia.

Finally in 1804, the duty of marking out the Indian
Boundary line was consigned to the fiery David Adams of
Hancock County. It is extremely probable that in
selecting him to perform this dangerous job in the face
of the Indian threats, the Georgia authorities took pains
to choose a man whose past reputation would tend to
discourage any molestation by the Indians to the running
of the line. Suffice to say, he experienced no trouble.

The act of 1803 also provided for the distribution of the
lands by lottery. The narrow  strip of land acquired was
insufficient for the great masses of people who were
desirous of moving into the new country, and it was
provided that after the surveys should be made, tickets
should be provided, some having a lot number on them
which lot should be the prize, others to be blank. Each
free male white person, twenty-one years old and upwards,
should have one draw; those having a wife or children, or
a widow with orphan children should have two draws.

THE RUSH OF SETTLERS

With the treaty of Fort Wilkinson there came an inflow of
squatters, even before the lands were surveyed, and so
great was the number that the Legislature took cognizance
of the fact and passed laws prohibiting settlers from
coming over until the drawing of lots took place.
However, it seems that very few if any were ever
prosecuted for this infraction. Immediately after the
lottery of 1804, the real rush began, many pouring across
the Indian Boundary Line into the Indian lands. Lucky
drawers first had to locate their claims and we can
picture them seeking out their lands. In all probability
those who moved over first came on horse back with
insufficient provisions for the trip but with the long-
barreled flintlock rifle to kill such game as would be
needed to supply his wants, and to protect himself from
outlaws. It was not necessary to bring food for his horse
as the illimitable fields of wild

oats supplied this necessity and all the pioneer had to
do was to hobble his horse whenever he stopped for dinner
or for the night.

Upon reaching his lands, the pioneer's first object was
to find the most desirable spot for the building of his
cabin. This was selected with several things in view.
First and foremost the finest spring of water on the land
usually determined the location of the new home. This, of
course, was to a certain extent qualified by the
proximity to the trails, if any were near the particular
lot. Here he built his one-room cabin.

The cabin being finished the fields had to be cleared.
This was not as big a job as it is today when one clears
land. The annual burning of the woods by the Indians for
ages past had kept much of the smaller shrubbery
destroyed and it was mainly the larger pines that had to
be contended with. These large pines were not cut down
except for fence, but merely "deadened" by cutting a ring
around them and interfering with the flow of sap - pines
that would today be worth fortunes. Later when these dead
trees blew down the community log rollings came into use.
With the clearing of the lands it became necessary to
build fences to keep out the cows, wild and domestic
hogs, deer, etc. Wire fencing was unknown and hence it
became necessary to split rails. Easy-splitting yellow
pines were then chosen and split into rails and the
fences built. There are instances where such fences would
last near half a century.

Occasionally, wealthy slave owners moved into the county
and in such cases the building of homes was not such an
undertaking. In all probability, however, many of the
very first settlers were men of small property, some
adventurers, speculators, many squatters, and those who
preferred to live as far away from their old haunts as
possible for reasons best known to themselves. As the
county rapidly filled up with the law-abiding classes,
the undesirable elements drifted further on to newer and
cheaper lands.

Many lucky drawers of lots for one reason or another
failed to settle on their lands immediately and later on
when

DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEW LANDS

they got ready to settle found squatters living on and
claiming the land. The law was very strict against these
squatters and would force them to move when the real
owner showed his titles.

A lucky drawer of a desirable lot found it possible to
sell out at a handsome profit immediately after he had
built his cabin and cleared a few acres. This was often
the case, where the lot was in a good location and the
land was fertile, for the eyes of the wealthy slave-
owners were turning to this section. Besides this, lands
to the South and Southwest which had not yet been settled
could be bought cheaply. Later on when other Indian lands
were open to settlement there was a general exodus to
these cheap lands.

The settler once located on his lot, making a bare
living, was a comparatively easy job. The woods teemed
with deer, turkey, squirrels, rabbits and other game. For
clothing, his flocks of sheep and his cotton patches
furnished his wife with the necessary materials and the
spinning wheel, the loom and the knitting needles were
the machinery necessary to turn it into clothing.
However, this purchased no luxuries, and in the early
days after the settlement few were known. Coffee and
sugar were practically unknown. Doctors were few and far
between. Home remedies were largely relied on and in many
cases charms and conjure doctors were resorted to, for
this was a day when the belief in witches was widespread.
The education of the children was of necessity neglected
for as yet there were no schools in Wilkinson.

ATTEMPTS TO PURCHASE MORE LANDS

The confusion in the Indian nation during these years
which prevented the running of the boundary line, as well
as the expected cession of the lands to the Ocmulgee
caused great perturbation in Georgia. Nearly two years
had passed since the treaty of Fort Wilkinson, and still
the Georgians were held back from the surveying of the
lands. After the failure of the Commissioners appointed
to treat at Ooseoochee, the people of Georgia were so
insistent that Benjamin Hawkins was

appointed as sole Commissioner by President Jefferson to
make another attempt in May, 1804, at the National
Council of the Creeks held at Tuckabatchee. General David
Meriwether, General John Clark and other prominent men
had been appointed by the Georgians to represent the
State at this council.

Upon their arrival at Tuckabatchee a welcome was extended
them by the Upper Creeks. Hopohiclthle Mico, however, had
succeeded to the leadership of the opposition and now
remained away, with a great part of the nation. There
being an insufficient number of Indians present to
execute a treaty, the chiefs present determined to hold a
council at Coweta town where none but Indians should be
present and where matters should be fully discussed by
them. Hawkins was later informed that never had the
Indians had such a stormy meeting. At this meeting both
factions were organized and the fragments of their
discussion as given in "The Letters of Benjamin Hawkins,"
indicate the bitterness with which the debates were
conducted. The question of a sale of the lands to the
Ocmulgee seems to have aroused the fury of the
opposition. Hopoi Micco, Chief Speaker of the Nation, in
his speech, declared the Ocmulgee should be made the line
or he would die in the attempt. Tuskenehau Chapoco, one
of the leaders of the opposition at once replied that if
he made the Ocmulgee the line, his life would be lost.

Unable to reach any agreement, Hopoi Mico notified them
all to meet him at Tuckabatchee within ten days to give
an answer to Hawkins. All efforts to execute a treaty
failed at this time but the Indians promised Hawkins and
Meriwether that a deputation of them would go to
President Jefferson in the fall and discuss a treaty with
him.

HAWKINS TREATY IN 1804

During the latter part of October of 1804, all the Indian
towns had elected representatives to go to the City of
Washington to treat with President Jefferson. However,
due to the illness of Hopoi Micco and the death of some
of the Indian delegates, it was necessary to postpone the
journey to Washing

DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEW LANDS

ton., Hopoi Micco, although covered with sores which made
him unable to ride, walked all the way to the Creek
Agency on the Flint to inform Hawkins the reason why it
was impossible for him to carry out his promise. The
opposition chiefs also being present, as well as
representatives from a large number of towns, Hawkins
suggested that they enter into a discussion as to what
would be accepted by the Indians for the lands east of
the Ocmulgee. Hopoi Micco doubtful of its success
consented to it as an experiment. Hawkins opened the
discussion. No sooner had he done so than the leaders of
the opposition began to talk against it and continued to
oppose it for several days, with exceeding bitterness.

Hopoi Micco during all this time was keeping in the
background but seems to have had a most excellent
knowledge of Indian psychology. The opposing leaders
having fully expressed their views and talked until they
were tired, he opened his talk by suggesting that the
United States pay each Indian town the sum of five
hundred dollars annually and to pay the debts of the
Indians amounting to near one hundred thousand dollars.
This was far in excess of the amount Hawkins had been
authorized by the Secretary of War to pay for the lands
but it was a price that appealed to the cupidity of the
chiefs of the opposition. Negotiations tending towards a
treaty at this price were at once entered into, all the
chieftains taking part. Hawkins' final offer to them was
two hundred thousand dollars, subject to the approval by
the President. This offer was accepted by the Indians and
the treaty was signed and forwarded to President
Jefferson, who did not ratify it.

TREATY OF WASHINGTON

In the fall of 1805, a deputation from the Creek nation
consisting of Oche Haujo, William McIntosh, Tuskenehau
Chapco, Tuskenchau, Encha Thlucco, and Checopeheke
Emauthlau went with Hawkins to Washington to execute a
treaty with the President. Dearborn was appointed to
treat with them and on the 14th of November, 1805, the
treaty was agreed upon and signed, the price paid being
approximately

what had been offered by Hawkins, on an annuity basis,
less interest, the Indians granting a right to a road
through the nation in addition to the Ocmulgee lands.

Hawkins at once wrote Governor Milledge of the fact that
the chiefs had signed the treaty, the letter arriving on
December 6th. The legislature was in session at the time
and so important was the news to the people of Georgia
that Governor Milledge delivered a special message to the
legislature reading the letter which he had just
received. Throughout Georgia the whole people were
rejoicing as the news spread, that the lands which they
had been seeking for fifteen years were now to be
delivered to them. President Jefferson approved the
treaty in June, 1806, and the title of the Indians to all
the lands passed into the hands of Georgia.

No sooner had the official notice of the ratification of
the treaty reached Georgia than the legislature passed an
act by which the line from Fort Wilkinson running due
southwest should continue until it touched the Ocmulgee
river and that all the territory below that line should
be annexed to Wilkinson county. The act further provided
for the surveying of the lots in the same manner as in
the former cession and also provided for the distribution
of the lands by lottery, but debarred those having drawn
prizes in the former lottery from drawing in this.

WILKINSON COUNTY SHOULD HAVE CONTAINED THE CAPITAL

One can easily wonder why it was that Milledgeville was
not located on the broad level lands lying between Little
Black Creek on the south and Camp Creek on the north
instead of its present location. It was the evident
intention of two separate legislatures for the principal
city that was to be built on these lands to be placed
here. We first find in the act of the legislature of
1794, that two thousand acres of land opposite the Rock
Landing should be set aside for a city. This act of the
Legislature being in conflict with the Indian claims and
causing federal protests, became nugatory.

However, after the treaty of Fort Wilkinson when the

DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEW LANDS

legal title to this land was in the State of Georgia,
Commissioners were appointed by the legislature to select
a site for Milledgeville, and they were instructed to
select this at or near the head of navigation of the
Oconee River. (Clayton's Digest, 107.) For years the Rock
Landing had been considered the head of navigation of the
Oconee. Had the Commissioners followed the evident
intention of the Legislature Milledgeville would have
built several miles lower down the river.

The mistake which was made in placing the city so far up
the river was destined to cost Georgia many thousands of
dollars annually for years to come as well as to limit
the town's growth. The overland routes to seacoast
markets in bad weather were too expensive for profitable
trade. Navigable rivers offered the cheapest methods of
transportation and those towns on such rivers rapidly
outstripped the inland towns. Every possible effort was
made to make the Oconee navigable to Milledgeville.
Thousands of dollars were appropriated by the State for
this purpose. Able-bodied men living along the river were
required to do work on the river in keeping it open. Part
of the time it was kept open by slaves purchased by the
State, an experiment which proved very unsatisfactory.
The expense mounted and was the cause of much criticism
as well as an investigation by the legislature. Small
boats managed to navigate the river but the cost of
keeping the river open was prohibitive.

Well might the site have been selected for Georgia's
capital near the site of the Old Oconee Indian Town; the
site where McGillivray demonstrated his power to the
American Commissioners; the site where David Adams
stormed the Indian camp and then threatened to cross the
river and storm Fort Fidius; the site from which Elijah
Clarke started on his ill-fated San Culotte expedition
and later the site of his Trans-Oconee metropolis. Surely
no spot in Georgia is richer in history than this.

FRAUDULENT SPECULATORS

The need for more land was so great that speculators

began to take advantage of the situation. Crossing the
Indian Boundary Line they had surveyors to survey lots
and begin selling them to the new settlers. Deeds are on
record at the courthouse bearing the dates of 1803, to
lands which still belonged to the Indians. Such deeds
were on their face void, and soon a reckoning was to be
had at the expense of those who thought they were
acquiring good titles, who built their homes in good
faith, cleared their lands, and only later would be
confronted by those who drew the lot in the lottery. An
instance of this was that of William Davidson who
purchased the lot now owned by Q.J. Butler, paid for it
in full, receiving a deed for it, and years afterward a
man rode up to his gate, showed the original grant, and
demanded the land. However, taking into consideration the
many improvements on the land, the claimant offered to
accept a price for it based on what its value would have
been had no improvements been made, which was accepted.

FIRST WILKINSON COUNTY SCANDAL

In the surveys of lots made in 1804, the lots being in
perfect squares, it was necessary to have a large number
of fractions of lots along the Old Indian Boundary Line
and along the Oconee river, some of which were small,
others large. These fractions of lots were not
distributed by the lottery method but in December, 1805,
the legislature chose commissioners who were authorized
to sell these fractions of lots to the highest bidders
after advertising same in the gazettes. The sales were
conducted in Milledgeville, but the commissioners seem to
have had matters so arranged that buyers were discouraged
from bidding and the lands were bought up by those acting
as "fences" for the commissioners for a "song." The
secret soon leaked and a scandal, second only to the
Yazoo Act resulted. An investigation was held which was
sufficient to convince all of the fraud that had been
committed.

DEFENSE AGAINST THE INDIANS

DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEW LANDS

The disturbing situation in the Indian nation, and the
growing dissatisfaction of the Bowles faction at the
treaty of Fort Wilkinson with their continued threats of
violence was sufficient to keep the frontiersmen of
Wilkinson in a state of nervous apprehension. The
memories of the terrible days of the recent past had not
been forgotten.

Until April, 1806, the only means of defense against the
Indians were the garrison at Fort Wilkinson and the
rifles of the settlers. No provision being made for the
organization of the militia, it was necessary for each
community to band themselves together for protection.
Family tradition tells that the home of Major Elijah
Hogan, whose plantation was near Pleasant Plains church
and adjacent to the Old Indian Boundary Line, was the
place where all the families of that section would gather
when Indian alarms were given.

The Act of 1805 authorizing the organization of the
county taking into consideration the need of the county
for protection provided for five companies of militia,
directed the citizens to elect officers for the militia,
and attached the militia of the county to the second
brigade of the second division. Every able-bodied man
between the ages of eighteen and forty-five was subject
to military duty and their captains were required to
muster them at least four times a year in their militia
district for drill, and as often as the Colonel of the
regiment should order.

The Indians, however, seem not to have attacked any of
the settlers. Occasionally some redskin with a sense of
humor, knowing of the jumpy condition of the nerves of
the settlers while their husbands would be away in the
fields, would scare some of the women into fits.
Tradition is handed down that one day while Mrs. Susan
Smith, a sister of Elijah Hogan was busily spinning, she
glanced out the door and to her horror, saw a big Indian
warrior standing almost in reach of her, imitating the
motions she was making in turning the spinning wheel. She
let out a yell that alarmed the settlement and the Indian
departed.

CHAPTER 20

THE CREATION OF A COUNTY GOVERNMENT

ALTHOUGH the act of 1803 created the county of AWilkinson
yet no provision was made for a county Aorganization, the
legislators evidently realizing that it would be some
time before an organization would be necessary, and
thinking that the remainder of the lands to the Ocmulgee
would be shortly acquired which would necessitate
rearranging the county lines. However, the survey of 1804
was made and still the Indians had not ceded the
remainder. The county then consisted of the narrow strip
lying below Fort Wilkinson, and east of the Old Indian
Boundary Line which passes through the city limits of the
town of Gordon, thence near White Springs, Bethel, and
Pleasant Plains churches, touching Turkey Creek near
Horace Adams, and on down the creek to its mouth below
Dublin.

The rapid rush of settlers to these lands made necessary
some form of government. Without a sheriff, or other
civil officer to enforce the laws of Georgia, the pioneer
settlers had to protect themselves. Outlaws, criminals
who had escaped justice found this a refuge and by these
as well as by the Indians the families were menaced.

Finally, in December, 1805, the legislature passed an act
providing for a county organization. The act named as
Justices of the Inferior Court, Samuel Beckom, William
Randolph, Lewis Lanier, William O'Neal, and Thomas
Gilbert. They were directed to select some central place
in the county as the site for the holding of the superior
and inferior

CREATION OF A COUNTY GOVERNMENT

courts and to meet there on the 1st day of April, 1806,
to mark out five militia districts, and to nominate two
justices of the peace for each militia district. They
were also directed to fix a date for the holding of the
first county election, to name the places where the
voting should be held and to advertise same.

By this act Wilkinson was placed in the Middle District,
or circuit of the superior court and court was held on
the fourth Mondays of January and of June of each year.
The Inferior court was fixed for the 1st Mondays in June
and November.

Pursuant to instruction these Justices of the Inferior
court met, and according to information given the author
by Hon. J.W. Lindsey, the place chosen for the meeting
and for the sitting of the courts was in the forks of the
road just south of Ebenezer church, where the road
leading from Irwinton, intersects the Toomsboro-Dublin
road. Provisions were made for the holding of the
election and duly advertised. At this, the first election
ever held by the voters of Wilkinson county, the
following officers were elected:

Sheriff - Edmund Hogan.

Ordinary - Drury Gilbert.

Clerk Superior Court - Archibald McIntire.

Clerk Inferior Court - William Brown.

Surveyor - Britton McCullers.

Coroner - Charles Ray.

Senator - Robert Jackson.

THE FIRST COURT

Barely had the county officers of Wilkinson elected in
1806 been commissioned that the act of June 26, 1806,
extended the limits of the county to the Ocmulgee River.
Wilkinson county now embraced all the lands lying in the
forks of the Oconee and Ocmulgee below the line running
from Fort Wilkinson, southwest to the Ocmulgee, a vast
fertile territory exceeding in area many of the smaller
nations of Europe. De Soto's famed land of Ocute was now
Wilkinson county.

Although the jurisdiction of the county officials
extended over all this county, and the continuous influx
of squatters covered the lands to the Ocmulgee, yet all
west of the Old Indian Boundary line was still
unsurveyed, the title to them being in the state. Crimes
committed in this vast expanse, or civil cases arising
therein were tried at the court ground near Ebenezer
church. The first Superior court appears to have been
held here in January, 1807, by Benjamin Skrine, Judge,
and Robert Walker, Solicitor-General. The first jurors
and grand jurors were selected by the sheriff and clerk
and the justices of the inferior court, and their names
having been placed in a box were drawn by them for this
term, they being authorized to do this by the
legislature, June 26, 1806. No courthouse was built here,
the home of the owner of this tract probably being used.

The lottery of 1807 now brought in a deluge of bona fide
owners of the lands. The treaty of Washington seems to
have pacified the Indians and there was less to dread
from them. The illimitable possibilities for the
development of these fertile lands were enough to inspire
the imagination of all adventurous spirits, besides all
those who desired to amass fortunes.

For those who desired adventure, there was the savage
just across the Ocmulgee who was ever a menace to the
Georgians; there was the Spaniard of Florida who was ever
furnishing the red man with arms and ammunition and
encouraging him to war against the Georgians; most of all
was the agents of the British who were incessantly at
work poisoning the minds of the Indians and arousing them
to a religious fury against the Americans. Sooner or
later a war must burst forth which would in all
probability involve the United States against both Spain
and England, with the Indians united against the
Americans. And when such time should come, Wilkinson
county's frontiers along the Ocmulgee in their exposed
position must bear the brunt of their attacks.

But while there was that ever-present element of danger,
there were factors which irresistibly drew the settlers

CREATION OF A COUNTY GOVERNMENT

hither. Everyone realized that it was only a question of
a few years until all the lands east of the Chattahoochee
would be obtained. This territory must then be the very
heart of Georgia, on the one side bounded by the
navigable Oconee; on the other by the navigable Ocmulgee
and through them and the Altamaha a direct route to the
Atlantic seaboard, on which could be floated the great
rafts of yellow pine timber, laden with cotton and other
products; cities and towns must necessarily spring up in
many places; lands which could now be purchased for a
small price would doubtless soon command a much greater
figure.

Wealthy slave-owners attracted by the red lands so
suitable for growing cotton, as well as to the
transportation facilities offered by the Oconee and
Ocmulgee rivers as arteries of commerce, soon poured into
the new lands. Likewise, the lists of the early settlers
contain large numbers of the veterans of the Revolution.
Many of the most prominent and influential men of Georgia
found their way here, and helped settle the lands of this
county. The plan of cultivation of lands in many of the
older sections of the state had exhausted the fertility
of the lands and there was a general exodus of those able
to acquire lands here. Frequently large tracts were
purchased and whole communities would move and settle on
them. There were instances where congregations would
follow their pastors here. Hence, Wilkinson county was
largely settled by the cream of the citizens of Georgia,
as well as of Virginia, North and South Carolina.

THE CARVING OF WILKINSON INTO MORE COUNTIES

The rapid rush of settlers into the new lands brought
untold problems to the county officers whose duty it was
to execute the laws. In order to attend the courts many
citizens, especially the frontiersmen living along the
Ocmulgee below Fort Hawkins, were compelled to ride from
forty to sixty miles. Such conditions were intolerable
and during 1807, the Legislature was besieged with
petitions and petitioners, ask

ing the erection of new counties. Therefore, In December,
1807, the Legislature passed an act materially changing
the lines and area of Wilkinson. Beginning on the Oconee
at the mouth of Big Sandy Creek, the act provided for a
line to be run south, sixty degrees west to the Ocmulgee,
this being the present upper lines of Laurens, Bleckley
and Pulaski counties. The territory above this line
remained Wilkinson, and all below the line was carved
into the counties of Laurens and Telfair. Changes were
also made in the line running from Fort Wilkinson to the
Ocmulgee. The new line began on the Ocmulgee at the lower
corner of the Fort Hawkins reservation and ran north,
fifty-six degrees east to Commissioner's Creek along the
boundary of Jones County. Another change was made in the
line separating Wilkinson County from Baldwin, in that a
new line starting on Commissioner Creek where the former
line crossed, now ran north, sixty-five degrees east,
thus taking part of Wilkinson and adding it to Baldwin.
(Clayton's Digest, 359.)

Wilkinson County then stretching from the Oconee to the
Ocmulgee and comprising all the present territory of
Wilkinson, Twiggs, and portions of Bibb and Baldwin
counties was a county of enormous size. For a time,
though, it was thought small enough for one county, and
plans were made to this effect. The old court ground near
Ebenezer church was now far from being a suitable place
to hold court and the legislature fixed the new temporary
site for the holding of the courts at the home of Willis
Anderson, who was at the time the Sheriff of the county,
and having prisoners in his charge his residence
naturally was selected as the temporary place of holding
court. (The author was informed by Mr. Ira S. King
several years before his death that Willis Anderson lived
a short distance east of the present town of
Jeffersonville.)

CREATION OF A COUNTY GOVERNMENT

WILKINSON CHANGED TO THE OCMULGEE CIRCUIT

The increase in the number of counties lying between the
Oconee and the Ocmulgee now required a new judicial
circuit and the Ocmulgee circuit was thus created, with
the following counties composing it: Wilkinson, Laurens,
Telfair, Baldwin, Jones, Putnam, Greene, Morgan and
Randolph (the latter's name to Jasper, a few years
later). The first judge of this circuit was Peter Early,
and the first Solicitor-General was Bedney Franklin. The
dates for holding the Superior court in Wilkinson were
now changed to the 3rd Mondays in April and October, and
the Inferior court to the 4th Mondays in July and
January.

CHAPTER 21

SELECTING THE COUNTY SITE

IN a resolution of December 10, 1807, the duty of
selecting Ia county site was imposed on the Justices of
the Inferior Icourt of the county. They were directed to
select the site as near the geographical center of the
county as conveniences permitted, to purchase or accept
the donation of four acres of land for the purpose of
building the courthouse and jail on; to cut the remainder
up into lots and sell them after giving sixty days notice
in the Augusta Chronicle and posting notices in three
places of the county.

The Justices of the Inferior court, however, seems to
have failed to act on the matter and on the 22nd day of
December, 1808, the legislature appointed the following
Commissioners to select a site for the public buildings;
Arthur Fort, John Hays, William Bivin, Elkanah Loftin,
and Jesse Brown. The act provided: "The seat of public
buildings in the county of Wilkinson, so far as relates
to the court house and jail shall be in the centre of
said county, or such other place as may be adjudged most
convenient for the citizens thereof; provided the same be
within two miles of such centre." The act also provided
that the Commissioners should purchase not less than one
hundred and not more than two hundred, two and one-half
acres of land for the use of the county and to let out
the building of the court house and jail to the lowest
bidder after giving thirty days public notice of their
intentions.

The act further provided that in the meantime while the
building of the courthouse and jail was in progress the
house of Willis Anderson should still be considered the
temporary court house of the county.

As a means of defraying the expense of the building of

SELECTING THE COUNTY SITE

the court house and jail the act provided that the
Inferior court should have the power to sell any part of
the land purchased for the county site. (Clayton's
Digest, 482.)

It would seem that with the foregoing instructions it
would be an easy matter for the Commissioners to settle
upon a spot for the county site, They did settle upon a
site, same being lot No. 111 in the 26th district, it
being located across the present county line a short
distance west of Ball's Church, the lands being purchased
from Samuel Dick. No sooner had this spot been decided
upon than there arouse a storm of protest over the
selection. Petitions were circulated addressed to the
Legislature charging that the Commissioners had violated
their instructions. So violent became this storm that
when the legislature met it felt that it was necessary to
send surveyors to the scene of trouble and measure the
distances from the four corners of the county. The report
of the surveyors was in favor of the Commissioners and
the legislature approved of the spot selected, as being
within the authority given by the act. And thus the work
on the building began and was soon nearly completed.
(House and Senate Journals, 1808.)

In the meantime, the disappointed element was not idle.
Arthur Fort, one of the Commissioners, seems to have
espoused the cause of those who opposed the establishing
of the county site at this place and ran for the
legislature apparently on the platform of cutting the
county in two. He was elected and immediately set to work
to cut the county to carry this out. John Thomas
Fairchilds was Senator from Wilkinson at this time.
Wilkinson being entitled to one representative and one
senator. No objection seems to have been raised as to the
division of the county and the act was passed providing
that the line between Wilkinson and Twiggs should begin
where the "upper county line crosses the main south fork
of Commissioner Creek and thence on a straight line to
the first branch which the present line crosses dividing
Pulaski and Wilkinson on a southwest direction from the
corner that divides Laurens and Pulaski counties and
lower line of Wilkinson." Daniel Sturges was the Surveyor
who ran this line. The act provided

that Twiggs County should pay for having this line
surveyed. It also provided that both counties should levy
a tax for the payment of building the now useless
courthouse and other debts, the house to be sold for the
mutual interest of each county, the lot of land purchased
from Samuel Dick to be returned to him upon his paying
back the consideration, and all the public records to
remain in Wilkinson. (Clayton's Digest, p. 567.)

Not only was Fort bent upon cutting Wilkinson County in
two but the same act when first passed by the House
provided for the entire obliteration of the name of
Wilkinson, Gen. James B. Wilkinson in the meantime having
fallen into disrepute by reason of his western intrigues.
The Senate concurred in the changing the name of
Wilkinson but refused to agree to the new name submitted
by the House, and in its stead submitted another. This,
the House refused to agree to and a committee was
appointed from each body. A great deal of time was lost
in the repeated wrangling. First one name was suggested
and then another, none of which would suit. Among those
suggested were "Marion," Emanuel," etc. Finally, at the
end of the session nothing had been agreed to. Otherwise
we would not be "Wilkinson," today. (House and Senate
Journals, 1809.)

The successive carvings of Wilkinson County were in a way
necessary owing to its vast size and the numerous creek
swamps which cut sections off from each other. When the
part now composing Laurens, Bleckley, Pulaski, Dodge,
Telfair, and Wheeler was cut off it was the concensus of
opinion that the county site of the remaining territory
would have to be located on the divide about midway
between the Oconee and Ocmulgee Rivers. By so placing it
the settlers living between the creeks could follow the
old Indian trails and only have to cross the large
watercourses at shallow points. Thus when the point was
selected in 1809, on land lot No. 111, of the 27th
district as the spot most accessible to the county as a
whole, it would have been hard to find any place better
adapted for such a large scope of territory. It must have
been pretty well suited

SELECTING THE COUNTY SITE

for Twiggs county as its present county site is now only
five miles from the identical spot. It was far more
easily accessible in bad weather to all points south of
Big Sandy creek than was Irwinton on account of the hills
and streams. Had it remained where it was first built all
the territory north of Commissioner would doubtless have
been added to Baldwin. And yet it is not surprising that
this has been the case for all this section found it
easier to reach Milledgeville than to reach Irwinton even
after the cutting off of Twiggs, for Commissioner Creek
becomes a raging torrent when the heavy rains come.

Upon the severing of Twiggs from this county, it became
necessary for a new county site to be selected for
Wilkinson. Thus on the 14th of December, 1809, the
legislature appointed Stephen Johnson, John Eady, Sr.,
Elkanah Lofton, Philip Pitman, and William Crawley (or
Cawley), as commissioners to fix a site for the public
buildings, to purchase for the county's use not less than
one hundred acres and not more than two hundred, two and
one-half acres, to lay out what number of lots they may
think proper and sell on twelve months credit, the
proceeds of which to be used in the building of a court
house and jail, any overplus to go to the county.
(Clayton's Digest, p. 566.)

This body seems to have had much trouble agreeing upon a
site and probably all resigned in a body for we find that
no action had been taken in 1810. On December 15th, 1810,
the following Commissioners were appointed to carry out
this duty: John Hatcher, Abram Lewis, Matthew Carswell,
William Stubbs, and John Horne, the act providing that
the place selected should be "within two miles of the
most convenient place in the county for same." (Clayton's
Digest, p. 623.)

Information handed down to the author by Hon. John W.
Lindsey, says the spot where the home of T.A. Brundage
now stands was used as the place of holding the courts
and for other county purposes.

In December, 1811, no action having been taken to make
permanent the county site, the legislature passed the
following act:

An Act to make permanent the site of the public buildings
in the county of Wilkinson.

Sec. I. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives, That the seat of the public buildings
for the county of Wilkinson be, and the same is hereby
declared to be permanently fixed upon tract or lot of
land, number eighty-three, fourth district of Wilkinson
County (provided, good and sufficient titles can be
procured for the same, within the term of six months from
the passing of this act; the titles to be made and
executed to the Inferior Court of said county and their
successors in office, to and for the use of the county
aforesaid, which said public site shall be called and
known by the name of Irwinton.

Sec. 2. That John Proctor, Robert Barnett, John Speight,
John Ball and Daniel Hicks, be, and they are hereby
appointed commissioners fully authorized to lay out and
sell whatever number of lots they or a majority may think
proper, in the following manner, to wit: one-fourth part
of the purchase money payable in two years; one-fourth
part, payable in three years, and the remaining fourth
part in four years thereafter; and shall take notes from
the purchasers with approved personal security, made
payable to the Inferior Court and their successors in
office, as well as a mortgage on the premises, executed
to said courts; and the money arising from the said sales
is hereby appropriated to the building of a Court house
and Jail, under the direction of said commissioners, who
are hereby authorized and empowered to contract for the
same, as soon as they or a majority of them may think
proper, or deem it expedient, first giving thirty days
public notice in one of the Milledgeville Gazettes, and
at three or more public places in the county, which shall
be let out to the lowest bidder at public outcry; the
undertaker or undertakers shall be bound in a bond with
approved security; in double the amount of the sum or
sums undertaken for, to the Inferior Court and their
successors in office, for a faithful compliance to such
contract, entered into with the commissioners aforesaid.

Sec. 3. That the said commissioners or a majority of

SELECTING THE COUNTY SITE

them shall lay out and reserve one or two lots as they
may think most proper in an eligible part of said site
for the purpose of erecting a Court house and jail
thereon, first strictly observing that in laying out the
lots intended to fix the public buildings upon, or those
to be sold for county purposes, they shall be so arranged
as not to interfere with the lines or lands of any other
tract or lot of land, except said lot, number eighty-
three, in the fourth district as aforesaid, within the
time allowed them by this act, then and in that case,
they or a majority of them are fully authorized to
purchase not less than one hundred acres, or more than
two hundred tow and a half acres, within two miles of the
centre of said county, and proceed as before pointed out
in all respects; and in all cases it shall be the duty of
the Inferior Court of said county to give such aid to
said commissioners as may most facilitate the completion
of the public buildings, or so far as they may have the
power of public funds.

Sec. 5. That the courts, elections and other county
business shall be held at the house erected for that
purpose, on the tract or lot number eighty-three in the
4th district as aforesaid, until the Court house is
completed, and the same reported to the Inferior Court by
the commissioners appointed to superintend the building
of the same. (Acts 1811, p. 123, Laws 1811-20 p. 191)
December 16, 1811.

We find this act was later amended by John T. Fairchild
in the form of a resolution December 4, 1812, appointing
in addition to those already appointed in the act,
William Wicker, William Lord, John Smith, and Charles
Culpepper, with powers the same as the other
commissioners. (Laws 1811-20, p. 1119. House Journal,
1812.)

CHAPTER 22

THE MILITIA ORGANIZED

WITH the extension of her lines to the Ocmulgee river,
Wthe filling up of the territory with new settlers, and
the Wproximity of those living near the Ocmulgee to the
Indian towns west of the Ocmulgee, there was the
necessity for adequate protection. Bitter experience had
taught the hardy frontiersmen that their best hope for
protection was in their own well-trained yeomanry, for
Washington City was too far away to depend upon in case
of sudden emergencies and the band of federal troops
located on the frontier was entirely too small.

Thus, immediately, the militia districts were fixed and
in each a well-organized company of militia under the
command of a captain solved the problems of defense.
These companies were also organized into battalions and
regiments. Once a year there was a muster day at the
county site when every militia man was expected to lay
down everything and attend, armed and equipped as if
ready for active service. During the period that Twiggs
county was a part of Wilkinson the old drill ground for
the militia of the county to use on General Muster Day
was near the present home of W.T. Chappell, in Twiggs
county, a short distance from the old county site.
Necessity compelled a rigid observation of the military
laws for the lives of the families, the homes of
Wilkinson depended upon her strong battalions. Hence, at
these musters, the old drill ground was covered with
companies of militia from each section of the county,
with cavalry companies, with brilliantly uniformed
officers. Stories of the old Muster Days have been handed
down to the author by I.S. King, of the pride Wilkinson
County took in her splendid military organizations, of
the commanding appearance of her officers would make in
the parades on such days; how, after

THE MILITIA ORGANIZED

the drills were over, the indulgence in the  beverages
which were always dispensed on such occasions could
always be depended on to produce a general hilarious
condition among them; of the diversity of opinion that
would arise as to the physical strength of the strong man
of each company; the fights that would arise to determine
who was the strongest man; which fights would sometimes
spread among the sympathizers and a general civil war
threaten.

The growing seriousness of the international situation
which was drawing America into war was fully realized in
Wilkinson, and every precaution was being taken to
prevent the recurrence of the terrible massacres of 1792-
1793. The Colonel commanding the militia of the county
was under orders that if Wilkinson County should be
invaded by a hostile force he must first call out,
instantly, every company of the whole county or as many
as necessary to repel the enemy. Should he deem his own
forces inadequate to cope with the situation he must at
once call upon the commanding officers of the adjoining
counties for such aid as he might think necessary, and
they were under orders to assemble their men and lead
them against the enemy.

Many of the men subject to military duty were not able to
own a rifle such as would be needed in case of war coming
on. Thus as the war-clouds continued to rise, the State
of Georgia hastily purchased ten thousand stand of small
arms, accoutrements, artillery and ammunition and had
them distributed where needed. (Clayton, 363, 444.)

Upon severing of the territory of Twiggs county from
Wilkinson, many changes were necessary to be made in
regard to the militia. The annual musters were then held
at or near Irwinton.

MILITIA DISTRICTS

Immediately after Twiggs county was cut off, Wilkinson
consisted of eight militia districts. North of
Commissioner there were two, 328 and 329. The 328th
district corresponds to what is now 328 and 1505, the
latter being cut

off after the War Between the States. Bloodworth received
its name from Captain Henry Bloodworth. The 329th
district in much of the earlier records is referred to as
Fork district (from its being located in the fork formed
by Commissioner Creek and the Oconee River, now known as
Passmore in honor of Alexander Passmore a prominent
planter. The territory lying between Big Sandy and
Commissioner Creeks was divided into three militia
districts; 327th, now known as Irwinton district; 330th
now Lord's, and 331st, Ramah; Irwinton District of course
derived its name from the town of Irwinton; Ramah, from
Ramah Church; and Lord's in honor of William Lord, Sr.,
the Revolutionary veteran and well-known Baptist who
settled in this district, dying there several years
later. The line separating Ramah and Irwinton has never
been moved, except when Bethel district was formed.
However, the line separating 327 and 330 has been changed
more than once. Originally, it is said on good authority,
that the line crossed the Ball's Ferry road in the bottom
just beyond the home of T.A. Brundage, probably striking
the stream on the west side of that road and following
that branch to Big Sandy Creek. Later this was moved by
the Inferior Court at least twice, once being on account
of the citizens living in the upper section of Lord's
which was a "Fence Law' district, petitioning the County
Commissioners to change the line, so as to include them
in Irwinton district which was done. The territory south
of Big Sandy was also divided into three militia
districts, 332, 352 and 353. The 332nd district is often
referred to as Griffin district in honor of Captain Jonas
Griffin who lived there. The 353rd of Turkey Creek
district, of course, gets its name from the stream that
runs through its central parts. It was a comparatively
easy matter to mark off these districts by streams, roads
and an occasional land line, but when this was done there
was left a long strip of territory. This was 352. Some
called it "Fractions' district on account of its being
composed of so many fractions of land districts and
fractions of land lots.

It has also been often referred to in the earlier records
as High Hill district and now goes by that name. It was
aptly

THE MILITIA ORGANIZED

named High Hill, and we can easily picture the early
settlers of this district naming it thus on account of
the steep hillsides bordering on the creeks, from the
Twiggs County line to the Griffin district line. The
scenery along the roads of this district in a great many
places give one the feeling of being on the top of a high
hill. After the War Between the States there was a re-
alignment of districts. Bethel was carved out of Irwinton
and Ramah. The territory lying between Big Sandy and
Porter's Creek was joined to Irwinton district.

THE MILITIA CAPTAINS

The earlier records often cannot be well understood on
account of their referring to certain militia districts
under the name of the Captain who was then commanding the
militia of that particular district. The only way it can
be determined is by knowing what section the particular
Captain lived. Thus in 1812, there were eight militia
districts and they are referred to in the report of John
Hatcher, Jr., R.T.P. in the following clipping of the
Georgia Journal, Oct. 21, 1812.

Agreeable to the returns made to me by the Captains
commanding the several company districts in the county of
Wilkinson, the following is a list for the year eighteen
hundred and twelve.

CAPT. KETTLES' DISTRICT (330)

Reuben Kemp, William Holder, Robert Warren, Wiley Jones,
Francis Williamson, Elijah Jones, Samuel Oliver.

CAPT. GILBERT'S DISTRICT (329)

John Dominy, Isham Payne, Jesse Gilbert, William Wright,
Robert Saulter, Daniel Wise, Joseph Rye, James Taff,
Wiley Ogletree.

CAPT. HOLLAND'S DISTRICT (353)

William Slawter, John Gary, Jr., Sanders Colley, Powel

Brown, Mark Brown.

CAPT. JOHNSTON'S DISTRICT (327)

William Davis, William John, Hector Bowie, Ebenezer
Dunham, Wilson Williams, Adam Kimbrough, Thomas W.
Mitchell, Colson Copeland, Jonas Mathis.

CAPT. SPEIGHT'S DISTRICT (328)

Moses Smith, Nelson Thompson, James Couie, Joshua Spears,
John Brown, Frederick Lord.

CAPT. BURNEY'S DISTRICT (352)

John Turner, Jonathan Childs, Anthony See, James Dennard,
Nathan Hudson, Jesse Dennard, Charles Anderson, Elisha
Hogan.

CAPT. RUSSELL'S DISTRICT (331)

James Johnston, Samuel Brewer, James Richardson, Shadrach
Adams, Jesse Sampford, William Darby.

CAPT. WRIGHT'S DISTRICT (353)

William Oglesby, William Taylor, Clem Grizzle, Presly
Mathis, Alexander Adams, James Robinson, James Low, John
Shepherd, Joel Miller, John Dixon.

Oct. 13, John Hatcher, Jr., R.T.R.

(The numbers in parenthesis indicate which Militia
District is evidently indicated.)

THE VIRGINIA AND CAROLINA SETTLERS

The fame of the virgin fertility of the lands lying
between the Oconee and Ocmulgee had spread into the
States to the North, and the climate, water, game and the
resources made these lands very desirable. As was
natural, owing to the proximity, the Carolinas and
Virginia furnished the greater numbers, and such was the
hegira from these states that there

THE MILITIA ORGANIZED

is hardly a descendant of any pioneer family now living
in the county but can claim descent from these settlers.
The Carolinas furnished the great majority, but Virginia
was well represented. Many had recently moved to the
eastern counties of the State and lived there long enough
to acquire citizenship and thus qualify to draw for a
lot.

Among these Virginians may be mentioned a settlement
around the present site of Toomsboro, where it seems that
there was an entire community which was composed of
Virginians and it is probable that Charles Culpepper and
his brother, Sampson Culpepper, Joel Culpepper, John
Ross, James Ross and others came in a body from that
State and purchased lands near each other.

The Virginians seemed to have formed one clan while the
Carolinians seemed to have formed another in the earlier
days. The Virginians prided themselves upon the blue
blood and stressed the education of their children
possibly more than the Carolinians and the native
Georgians. The Virginians adhered to the Crawford Troupe
and succeeding parties, while the Carolinians rallied to
the Clark party. The Carolinians so vastly outnumbered
the Virginians that the party factions in Wilkinson
during the first years did not develop that intensity
which they did in other counties. Virginians whenever
more capable were elected to office in preference to
their fellow Carolinians. Hence the lists of early
officers show a great many Virginians, as a result of
their superior educational qualifications.

CHAPTER 23

EARLY CHURCHES

THE EARLY BAPTIST CHURCHES

FOR several years following the settlement of Wilkinson
FCounty, there were no organized churches. Everybody Fwas
so busy getting their homes in livable condition, that
little time could be found for the building of churches.
Large numbers of the settlers had their membership in the
community from whence they had moved. The lottery plan of
distributing the lots had widely scattered the members of
the various denominations, and before particular churches
could be organized it was usually necessary to bring
together several who were already members of that
particular denomination. The many dangers faced by these
pioneers, the wars and rumors of wars, the presence of
the Indian Nation just across the Ocmulgee,  the great
crisis which every one realized was fast approaching when
the American government must inevitably be drawn into the
conflict then raging in Europe, was stirring the people
of this section and none but the stoutest hearts escaped
the dark mantle of dread that enveloped the whole people.
All this tended to bring the citizens to a more religious
frame of mind. Spiritually, Wilkinson was ripe for a
great revival.

There was another aspect which paved the way for the
building of churches, the dire need of a meeting house
for social intercourse on Sundays. The loneliness of
these frontier settlements, the utter impossibility of
going long distances, made imperative that each community
have some central place where not only the younger people
but the older ones as well, could meet. Thus Wilkinson
County was indeed ripe for the advent of the missionary.

Thus, two Baptist preachers, Charles Culpepper and John
Ross, sensed the great opportunity which was lying before
them. Moving to the county and making it their home, they
at once became valiant crusaders for the Baptist faith.
From one community to another they went visiting the ones

EARLY CHURCHES

already members of this church, and using these as
nuclei, began having services, inviting the neighborhood
to take part. Others would join and soon there would be a
sufficient number to organize a church. Mt. Nebo was the
first church of any denomination to be organized in the
county, according to tradition, this being in 1808.
Rapidly following this, during the following year,
churches at Ramah, Big Sandy, Cool Springs, besides many
others in the nearby neighboring counties, were
organized. In 1812, Myrtle Springs church was organized
by Charles Culpepper and Rev. Shirey.

This was the day of the itenerant preacher, the various
churches preferring this plan to the local preacher
method. The plan was for the preachers to go in couples
from church to church and hold services. Culpepper and
Ross were the ones living in Wilkinson County who for
years followed this arrangement. To these two men the
Baptists of Georgia are greatly indebted.

The religious fervor of the times continued to increase
with the rapid growth of the Baptist churches. As the
turbulent conditions incited by Tecumseh in the Indian
nations and the religious fanaticism broke out among the
red men, the people realized more than ever that the
Great Crisis was fast approaching. Days for fasting and
prayer were set aside and rigidly observed. The dread was
heightened in many people by an earthquake and the
appearance in the heavens of a comet, which was firmly
believed to portend dire events. The date of the
Declaration of the War of 1812, was fixed as a day of
fasting and prayer. Likewise the date Washington City was
captured and burned by the British was so set apart.

So numerous became the churches of this denomination that
the Ebenezer Association was formed in March, 1814, at
Cool Springs church at Allentown, in this county, by
fourteen churches, dismissed from the Ocmulgee
Association and the Hepzibah Association. The Hepzibah
sent Charles Culpepper, George Franklin, N. Robertson and
J. Shirey; the Ocmulgee appointed Joseph Baker, V.A.
Tharpe, D.Wood, H. Hooten, and Edmund Talbot as
presbyteries. (History of

Georgia Baptists.)

EARLY METHODISM IN WILKINSON

While Charles Culpepper and John Ross were busily sowing
the seeds of the Baptist faith, the Methodist church was
not idle. Prior to the settling of the county, Lorenzo
Dow's fiery eloquence in the counties east of the Oconee
had won numerous converts, and as they scattered
throughout Wilkinson, County, they clamored for
organizations of their own belief. In 1805, the Oconee
District was created by the Georgia-South Carolina
Conference, which extended from the Ogeechee River to the
Indian Boundary Line, and Samuel Cowles was appointed
Presiding Elder. Following close on the heels of the
extending of Wilkinson County's territorial limits to the
Ocmulgee and the carving out of other counties in 1807,
the Ohoopee Circuit was created composed of this county
and the counties to the south and southeast. Angus
McDonald was sent hither as a missionary. This was the
day of Camp Meetings and Shouting Methodists. Methodist
Camp Grounds sprang up  throughout the section. One of
these was near Camp Ground Branch not far from the site
where the first court was held. From this camp ground
sprang Poplar Springs Methodist Church. Another Camp
Ground is on Big Sandy Creek, at the spring above the
road near Thompson's Bridge. From this Camp Ground sprang
the Irwinton Methodist church. Another Camp Ground was
near the old County Site not far from the Twiggs County
line, and it is probable that Ball's Church resulted from
this. The work of McDonald must have borne fruit, for in
1808 the Ocmulgee Circuit was created largely taking the
place of the Ohoopee Circuit, Jones County being added to
the circuit, while Laurens was placed elsewhere. Lovick
Pierce was appointed the Presiding Elder.

The early Methodist meetings in Wilkinson were largely
dependent on local preachers or exhorters. The vast
territory which the "circuit rider" had to cover made it
impossible for him to give these meetings the needed
attention. He was expected to devote his full time to
work and usually had

EARLY CHURCHES

enough appointments on his circuit to give but one day in
each month to each community. The meager salary allowed
as well the hardships incident to such a strenuous life
tended to discourage many from entering the ministry as a
life work. Hence, many would locate and would then be at
liberty to preach when and whenever they chose.

The Camp meetings were great events and would always be
attended by large crowds who would come for miles and
remain for days at a time, spending the nights on the
ground or at the homes of the nearby citizens.

The continued growth of this denomination made necessary
a reduction of the territory of the circuit rider and in
1816 the Ocmulgee circuit consisted of Wilkinson and
Twiggs and parts of Jones and Pulaski counties. Charles
Dickenson was assigned here that year and James Dunwoody
was his helper. There were twenty-eight appointments for
these two men to meet each month. (History of Georgia
Methodism.)

For many years after the town of Irwinton was built there
was no organized church here, the members attending
nearby churches. The Methodist Church was the first to be
organized at Irwinton, and in all probability about 1820,
as tradition handed down by B. Wynn is to the effect that
Salem Church, which was organized in 1818, was the first
Methodist church to be organized in the county. Mention
is made of the Methodist Chapel at Irwinton in 1829. So
rapidly did Methodism take hold in and around Irwinton
that in 1834, Irwinton was taken from the Ocmulgee
Circuit and made a separate charge, with Rev. James B.
Payne as pastor. In that year the membership of the
church here was given as being five hundred, seventy-
seven members. The Methodist church probably owes as much
to Payne as does the Baptist church to Charles Culpepper
and John Ross, for the dissemination of its teachings.
Smith in his History of Methodism says of Payne: "From
his entrance into the ministry James B. Payne had a
wonderful success in winning souls."

CHAPTER 24

THE SCHOOLS OF WILKINSON COUNTY

EARLY DEVELOPMENT

AS to what the people of Wilkinson county were doing
Atowards educating their children during the first few
Ayears after the settlement, we have no means of knowing.
All written records covering this particular phase seem
to be destroyed. In all probability, however, there were
but few who received any education during the first few
years after the settlement, for this was a period when
everyone was being strained towards getting fields
cleared, houses built and the new homes in a condition
fit to dwell in. Education was looked upon more as luxury
than as a necessity. Money with which to pay teachers was
scarce. Market for produce were in far away Augusta and
Savannah, and tutors could not well accept produce as
pay.

MT. ETNA. The veil of obscurity covering the schools of
Wilkinson county is first lifted in 1814. We find in the
Georgia Journal, published in Milledgeville, of March
2nd, 1814, the following advertisement:

"Mount Etna School in Wilkinson county was opened on
February 3rd under the direction of E. Underwood, where a
few more scholars will be received. The Director of this
school, from considerable experience and unremitted
attention, hopes to give general satisfaction to such
scholars as are entrusted to his care. The situation is
very healthy, the water good, and board may be had at
respectable houses on moderate terms. Terms of tuition
for Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, $2.50 per quarter - for
Grammar, Geography and Mathematics, $4.00."

While we have no means of knowing the exact location of
Mount Etna, yet we have every reason for believing that
it was either at or near the present town of Irwinton. It
was known at that time where the county site would be
likely to be

SCHOOLS OF WILKINSON COUNTY

fixed and we find that during the same month that the
half acre town lots were being advertised for sale by the
Commissioners appointed for this purpose. It is probable
that this school was the same one which was out in the
field a few hundred yards east of the home of T.A.
Brundage, as the mother of R.W. Adkins, deceased, during
her lifetime told of attending a school at that place
when she was young. It is likely that the school remained
at that place until the County Academy was built at
Irwinton.

THE COUNTY ACADEMY. It is probable that Mt. Etna School
was the same as the Wilkinson County Academy. The laws of
Georgia during the years after Wilkinson county was
settled provided for the support of a county academy in
each county. Apparently no provision was made for any
academy in Wilkinson until after the territory south of
the line from the mouth of Big Sandy Creek to the
Ocmulgee river was cut off. Until this time no man knew
what parts would be cut off and as everyone was busy
settling his lands had no time for schools. After this
line had been run and it was thought that Wilkinson
county had assumed its permanent form, we find the first
mention made of the Wilkinson County Academy. To John
Thomas Fairchilds belongs the credit of introducing this
resolution in the House. John Ball carried it through the
Senate, which provided for this academy and appointed as
Commissioners of the academy, Arthur Fort, Stephen
Johnston, William Lord, John Hays and William Bivins, the
date of this being December, 1808.

As to whether these commissioners ever acted we have no
record, but it is probable that due to the confusion
resulting from the selection of the county site, nothing
was done towards making definite arrangements for a
County Academy.

In 1810, a new set of Commissioners was appointed for the
county academy, these being Major John Hatcher, Matthew
Carswell, Daniel Hicks, Stephen Gafford, and Jeremiah
Lofton. In 1813, the legislature appointed Stephen Hoge,
Nicholes Thompson, and Thomas Ard as Commission

ers to fill vacancies.

The county academy provided in each county during this
period was not intended to be used for education of the
masses, but for the children of the wealthier classes.
The Academy was thus used mainly by those who lived near
the county site, by those who could afford the expense of
boarding their children, and those who could furnish a
conveyance for their children to ride. Many of the
wealthier families found it more convenient to employ
private tutors to educate their children. Among the
masses there had not yet been felt that need for
universal schooling which years later resulted in such a
clamor for more schools that the legislature saw fit to
grant them.

As the years passed, the struggle for a livelihood became
less severe, times became more prosperous, and the
wealthier citizens over the whole country become more
interested in the culture and education of their
children. The Academy at Irwinton was rapidly growing in
popularity. In addition to this, here and there community
schools began to appear, supported by a few men of the
community who realized the need of educating their
children. Usually these community schools grew up in
churches. Teachers were few and hard to obtain. Often-
times some "Yankee" passing through would be hired to do
the teaching, but his methods of instruction would hardly
be approved by the educators of today. Instead of
encouraging the rank and file to educate their children,
many impediments were thrown in the way, and the great
mass of the poorer children were allowed to grow up
without any schooling at all.

One of the results of this system of education was a
development of two classes of citizenship, an
aristocratic element and a "poor white trash" element.
The one became wealthier and wealthier as the years
passed, the other remained stationary or became poorer.
The growth of the plantation system, cultivated by slave
labor was rapidly reducing the poorer families to almost
serfdom. The big plantation owners as their wealth
increased would purchase all the

THE SCHOOLS OF WILKINSON COUNTY

available lands near him, and the opportunities for the
poor man to obtain land were few. Large families was the
rule in these days and in order to give the children
opportunities to acquire property it became the custom to
move to more thinly settled portions of the state and
there take up the cheap lands. Hence, from year to year,
there was an exodus of citizens from Wilkinson county to
other counties. Likewise, many of the wealthier classes
would sell out their plantations and move to cheaper and
sometimes better lands.

THE FIRST BRICK SCHOOL HOUSE

As the wealth of Wilkinson continued to grow, we find
direct results in the increasing interest in the
education of the children. In 1821, Samuel Beall who had
recently made Wilkinson County his home, and John King,
were appointed as commissioners of the Academy of the
County of Wilkinson in the place of David Roland and
Jeremiah Lofton. Three years later, in 1824, the
Wilkinson County Academy was incorporated, with William
Beck, James Neal, Alpheus Beall, John F. Simmons, Charles
Culpepper, Lluellyn Roberson and Richard Whitaker as
Trustees. The fact that Samuel Beall was in the Senate at
this time leads us to believe that he was largely
instrumental in having this act of incorporation passed.
Suffice to say, that from this date, Irwinton has born
the reputation of being an educational center. Immediate
steps were taken towards providing a suitable school
building. The lot whereon Talmage Institute was later
built was acquired and about the spot where the residence
of F.G. Byington now stands, there was erected a brick
schoolhouse. The following advertisement found in the
Georgia Journal, dated Dec. 28, 1824, gives us an
attractive picture of Irwinton and the surrounding
country:

WILKINSON ACADEMY. This academy, agreeable to the
progress of the building and the arrangements made by the
Trustees, will be prepared for the reception of students
on the 3rd Monday in Jan., next. The Trustees beg leave
to inform the public that a teacher competent to teach as
well the

ordinary scholastic duties and rudiments of science as
the Academical branches, preparatory to an entry in
college, will be expected from him, and whose
recommendation is requested to be accompanied with a
reputation of sobriety and morality, such a one will be
gladly received to take charge of this institution and
will meet with proper encouragement and an adequate
salary. This institution is established in Irwinton,
whose inhabitants have hitherto enjoyed as great a share
of health as any place below the mountains, who are also
in their habits quite consonant to the strict rules of
morality and decorum. The place affords excellent water,
its contiguity to the Mineral Springs, being but four
miles from Irwinton, recently discovered and much
resorted to the past summer, which from their salubrious
effects will probably increase in resort in the
succeeding. Irwinton is surrounded with plentiful
country, abundantly affording all the necessary comforts
for subsistence of students who are placed at this
Academy for education. Parents who choose to place their
children at this institution for instruction may be
assured that the guardianship while in school and
examples when out of school in the private families of
Irwinton, will be of such moral character as will be
perfectly consonant with the rules of good order as are
most admirably calculated to impress the tender mind. Any
application by any person desiring to take charge of this
Academy will please address it to the Secretary of the
Board of Trustees at this place.

Alphous Beall,

Sec. of the Board."

(John S. Barry of Vermont, then only twenty-two years of
age, answered this advertisement and with his wife moved
to Irwinton and took charge of the school for the
following two years, at the same time preparing himself
for admission to the bar. After practicing law at
Irwinton for a few years, serving as Captain of the
Irwinton Military Company and later appointed as military
aide by Governor Forsyth, he removed to the State of
Michigan where he was elected Governor three different
times on the Democratic ticket.)

THE SCHOOLS OF WILKINSON COUNTY

THE POOR SCHOOLS

This was the day when the prevailing line of thought was
that it was the duty of the individual to pay for the
education of his children, and not the duty of the state.
The result of this was that there was a great mass of
children, whose parents were either unable or unwilling
to pay for their schooling, growing up in ignorance in
Wilkinson county. For years the state paid nothing at all
to any school except the County Academy, and to that very
little. Later the Poor School Fund was provided for the
various schools. It was slowly being realized by the
statesmen of Georgia that it was the duty of the state to
provide an education for those children whose parents
could not afford to pay a teacher. In 1826, Wilkinson's
share of the Poor School Fund was $460.71. In 1830, the
Wilkinson County Academy received only $388.55 as its
share of the state school funds. In 1836, however,
Jeremiah Beall was Trustee for Poor Schools of Wilkinson
county, and in this year the state appropriation for the
county was $790.21.

The name, Poor School Fund, as it was unfortunately
called, antagonized the pride of many parents who
considered they were objects of charity whenever they
accepted schooling for their children paid by this fund.
This was strikingly illustrated in one of these years
while C.C. Beall was Trustee of Poor Schools when the
fund received was $651.43 and only $342.93 was expended.

During this period the management of the school funds was
in the hands of the Inferior Court and Ordinary, the
latter being ex-officio County School Commissioner and
was required to make an annual report to the Grand Jury.

Teachers were examined by a board of examiners appointed
by the Inferior Court. In 1859, Rufus J. Cochran, R.A.
Stanley, William O. Beall, and Nathaniel C. Hughs were
the examining board.

Taxes for the maintenance of the "Poor Schools" as they
were called were levied by the Inferior Court upon
recommendation of the Grand Jury. Returns of names of
those

children whose parents were not able to pay for their
tuition were kept on file by the School Commissioners.
The teacher in each academy was required to file with the
School Commissioner monthly reports giving the names and
number of days each one of such children attended his
school, and he was allowed five cents per day for these.

The report to the Grand Jury made by the commissioner in
1855 shows receipts from all sources of $546.90. This
report further showed 515 children whom the county was
under obligation to educate and approximately the same
number whose parents could pay their tuition.

In addition to the small amounts paid the teachers of the
Poor Schools, the Inferior Court was authorized by an act
of the Legislature of 1854 to supply needy pupils with
books and stationery. Judge Arthur E. Cochran being the
author of this. The amount paid the teachers in 1855 was
five cents per day for each pupil unable to pay tuition;
in 1859 this was increased to seven cents per day, as is
deduced from the old accounts filed by the teachers found
in the court house. The account of C.O. Davis, who taught
in Bloodworth district in 1855, and in 1859, is very
valuable in giving the above information. It is made out
against the "School Commissioner of the County of
Wilkinson." the Ordinary then serving as such, and after
giving a list of the pupils taught, the number of days
each attended, there was added his affidavit that he did
not expect to get any pay for teaching them from any
other source.

Traditions are handed down by the descendants of John
Tomberlin that about 1820, the planters about the line of
Turkey Creek and Griffin Districts combined together and
employed a Yankee school teacher to teach their children
and sent them ten months in the year to him. This length
of term seems to have been general over the county, which
goes to explain the superior state of education and
culture boasted of by the aristocratic families of the
counties prior to the emancipation of the slaves.

Not only did the leading families of the county patron

THE SCHOOLS OF WILKINSON COUNTY

ize the district schools but it was no uncommon thing for
a planter to send his sons to finish their education in
northern colleges. An instance of this was Elijah Hogan
who sent his son, Elijah Columbus Hogan, to a university
in New York.

THE DISTRICT SCHOOL

In 1835 an act was passed making the Academical Fund a
part of the Poor School Fund for Wilkinson. The following
year, 1836, will always stand out as a red letter year
for the schools of Wilkinson county. In each of the eight
militia districts, with the exception of the County Site
where the County Academy was located, there was
incorporated a local academy. As trustees of these
schools we find the outstanding men of these districts.

BLACK CREEK ACADEMY in (Bloodworth) Bond's District with
John Hall, George Shinholser, Bryant O'Banion, Oathneel
McCook, and Thomas Underwood, trustees.

LIBERTY HILL ACADEMY in the Fork (Passmore) District with
James Hatcher, Lewis Clay, Ratliff Boone, John Meredith,
and Daniel S. Pierce, trustees.

MOUNT PLEASANT ACADEMY in Currie's (Lord's) District with
Joel Dees, William Lord, Wiley Miller, Hansford Davis,
and Jethro Dean, trustees. (The writer is informed that
Mrs. Epsy Brady, the wife of Franklin Brady gave the lot
at Poplar Head upon which this school was built.)

UNION HILL ACADEMY in Ramah District with Richard Lewis,
James Gibson, Samuel Bragg, Joel Rivers, and Archibald
Smith, trustees; this academy was located near the home
of Joel Rivers and was called the Rivers Academy. When
Sherman came through his soldiers burned it.

GRIFFIN DISTRICT ACADEMY with Robert Rozar, William B.
Smith, Elisha Hall, William Cawley and Daniel Hall,

trustees.

HIGH HILL ACADEMY in High Hill District, located at
Pleasant Plains Church, with Isaac Hall, James Ross,
William Carswell, Joel Hardie and William Herndon,
trustees.

TURKEY CREEK ACADEMY in Turkey Creek District with John
T. Harrison, Timothy Sears, Anderson Ingram, William
Payne and Joel Butler, trustees. (This school was erected
on the lands formerly owned by I.I. Hall.)

LAFAYETTE ACADEMY in High Hill District with William E.
Carswell, Williamson Calhoun, John Smith, Samuel M.
Carswell and Green B. Burney, trustees. (This school was
incorporated in 1837 and was located at Bethel Church.)

(As an indication of the interest the state manifested in
the support of these academies, the sum of $32.75 each,
was paid them in 1838.)

WASHINGTON ACADEMY was incorporated in 1840, with Green
Burney, Solomon Arnold, John Breedlove, Ellis Harvill and
Lewis Spears, trustees.

HARRISON ACADEMY in Turkey Creek District was
incorporated in 1850 with A.W. Jordan, Nimrod Burke, R.E.
Rozar, John Burke and Samuel Meredith, trustees. (This
was located on lands donated by Allen Davidson and is now
known as the Manson School.)

COOL SPRING ACADEMY, located at Allentown was
incorporated in 1856, with Anderson Ingram, Willis Allen,
John Gainey, William F.M. Brown and Eli Sears, trustees.

TALMAGE NORMAL INSTITUTE

In all the history of Wilkinson, no institution has

THE SCHOOLS OF WILKINSON COUNTY

played a greater part in the affairs of her citizens than
has this school. It was the pride of the whole of
Wilkinson county for almost three-quarters of a century.
Each section during these years while it was in its prime
was accustomed to send hither the young men and young
women for the finishing touches of their education. None
but the ablest teachers were employed, and the fame of
this school attracted boarding pupils from other
counties.

The act of the legislature incorporating this school was
due to the efforts of Judge Arthur E. Cochran who as
representing the county in the Senate of 1854, and
provided that the trustees should be Green B. Burney,
Thomas N. Beall, William Fisher, Eleazer Cumming, F.J.
Gilbert, N.C. Hughs, Leroy Fleetwood, F.D. Ross, James
Jackson, Joel Deese, R.I. Story, R.J. Cochran, N.A.
Carswell and William Taylor. These trustees were given
authority to borrow money for the school, to have
perpetual succession and in case of vacancy, the
remaining trustees should have the power to fill the
vacancies and to increase the number of the trustees to a
maximum of twenty-one, besides such other rights and
privileges necessary to the management of the school.

The original intention of Judge Cochran was for the
school to be used as a training school for teachers but
it was found impractical to use it for that purpose.
Therefore, it having been named Talmage Normal Institute
in honor of Dr. Samuel Talmage, the name was abbreviated
to Talmage Institute about 1874.

THE ORIGIN OF THE COMPULSORY EDUCATION LAW

The Grand Jury of the April term, 1855, in its
presentments will go down in history as the originators
of the idea of Compulsory Education Law. Their
recommendations are as follows:

"We have carefully examined the books and the report of
the school commissioner; and in them we find cause of
much to regret and deplore. There were three hundred and

seventy-seven children returned and we have ascertained
forty-nine others that we also considered. Making four
hundred and twenty-six in all entitled to the benefit of
the fund. Two hundred and ninety-two of this number were
taught by the different teachers throughout the county,
an average of but thirty-nine days each during the past
year, and the other one hundred and thirty-four, we have
no reason to believe, received a day's schooling. These
facts speak for themselves - proving either the want of
suitable and convenient schools, or the deplorable
ignorance or criminal indifference and neglect of parents
and guardians. We have serious apprehensions that the
time when the entire mass of our rising population shall
be properly educated, is for Wilkinson county at least,
far in the distance. The remedy for this evil, we are
unprepared to suggest but would respectfully commend to
the serious consideration of the Legislature, whether
some act, compelling parents to permit their children to
be educated to some extent may not be necessary. Forty-
six of the children whom we mention as having been taught
were not legally returned to the Commissioner - he
therefore was not entitled to pay the accounts of their
teachers. We believe these to be equally entitled and
commend that he be allowed to pay them."

Those serving on the Grand Jury at this April term were:
Thomas H. Parker, foreman; John Van Landingham, Littleton
Branan, Joseph N. Miller, Archibald M. Smith, John H.
Freeman, Eason Green, Abram Pitts, Joel Hardie, Charles
Hooks, Zenus Fordham, James Pittman, Allen Chambers,
James Fountain, James A. Dean, William Taylor,
Etheldridge Ogburn, Wriott C. Adams, Edward Hickman,
James Hoover, Alexander Nesbit, John J. Todd, Francis
Fordham.

The following are names of Wilkinson county school
teachers, as taken from old Poor School Records, covering
years 1852 to 1859:

Norman McReany, C.B. Anderson, Wm. H. Golden, R.I.
Cumming, L.D. Rees, Wm. McGawin, F.C. Hogan, Timothy
Bloodworth, Wm. Carlton, Wm. S. Johnson, M.B. Johnson,
Henry I. Dunlap, Jas. M. Lovit, B.S. Carswell, B.I.

THE SCHOOLS OF WILKINSON COUNTY

Aycock, Mary Lavender, Wiley Shepherd, Theophalus Hardie,
Robert Smith, I.K. Walter, J.B. Ursery, Jeremiah Smith,
Charles T. Cushing, Jacob R. Walters, Iverson L.
Harville, A.D. Breedlove, Sydney A. Warren, Alphaus
Breedlove, Larkin Smith, I.S. Jenkins, Luiza Jackson,
Francis A. Bishop, J.N. Ray, James M. Neil, Meredith
Honeycut, M.H. Esom, F.F. Stubbs, John D. Vann, Joseph
McCook, John H. Strong, Harriett M. Powell, Obadiah
Dumas, J.W. Payne, A.M. Bridges, J.K. Byington, N.B.
Nyles, F.A. Kittles, J.B. Murphy, Austin Todd, R.A.
Stanley, W.W. Deen, Andrew F. Frazer, W.M. Dean, Thomas
Walters, W.L. Holland, John W. Leyan, Wm. R. Pixley,
Charles M. Carter, J.B. Ursery, Lydia Jackson, B.T.
Castillo, W.S. Castillo, James Adams, John P. Califf,
John A. Clements, Joseph D. Bond, C.O. Davis, Caroline
Waters, Iverson L. Harvill, Frances Todd, Benjamin
Breedlove, J.W. Blackshear, H.E. Harville, Miss Martha
Sinclair, A.N. Ladd, M.N. Murphy, A.V. McCardle, J.F.
McDonald, Benjamin Green, James A. Bush, John M. Russell,
Miss M.R. Anderson, Wm. R. Stub, Byd S. Collins, Lucius
I. Robson, James T. Castillo, P.A. Ashley, W.T. Hollland,
S.T. Player, Joseph McCook, J.D. Shaws, A.R. Harvill,
Sarah Jackson, Joel F. Loftin, James F. McBeth, J.F.
Ross, Wm. N. Ryle, John M. Smith, John H. Strong,
Hamilton Shepherd, Nancy McLeods, Welcome Ursery, Thomas
Freeman, F.F. Methvin, Minard F. Olph, Phillip Clancy,
George W. Boatwright, Joseph S. Hair, D.C. Walker,
Margaret I. Rose, I.F. Saulter, F.I. Chambers, Martha
Kemp, N.M. Green, N.B. Jackson, Emma Butler, J.M.
Langford, Sophiah Taylor.

CHAPTER 25

WAR PREPARATIONS IN WILKINSON

THE BUILDING OF THE HARTFORD ROAD

PROBABLY no road in the State of Georgia has had such Pa
history as has the Old Hartford Road, which formerly Pled
from Milledgeville the capital of the state, through the
counties of Baldwin, Wilkinson, Twiggs, and Pulaski to
the then frontier at Hartford, where Hawkinsville now
stands.

The world crisis was directly responsible for the
building of this road, the crisis that was affecting the
destinies of the entire world, the crisis which was
threatening Wilkinson county as well as all Georgia with
utter destruction. Such was the case, and no one realized
it more than did the people of Wilkinson.

For years before the declaration of the War of 1812 the
people of Georgia had forseen the approaching conflict.
They had experienced the machinations of the British
agents who were eternally stirring up trouble for Georgia
among the Creek Indians just beyond the Ocmulgee. They
had not forgotten the terrible experience during the
American Revolution when all Georgia was drenched in the
blood of the patriots, when the Indians were turned loose
upon the state by the British. They realized that no
state was in a more dangerous position than Georgia, that
the British would doubtless land troops in the Indian
country where thousands of redskins would flock to their
standard and march through the very heart of Georgia. Or
should the British use Florida as their base or attack
the coastal country below Savannah the effect would be
the same and the section here between the Ocmulgee and
the Oconee would become the objective of the invading
forces. It thus became necessary for Georgia to be able
to rush troops, artillery, and

WAR PREPARATIONS IN WILKINSON

ammunition to Hartford which must necessarily become the
point of attack.

The approaching crisis thus made necessary the building
of the road to Hartford, and every able-bodied man
between the ages of sixteen and fifty living within three
miles of this road was drafted to build it. The act of
the Legislature named as commissioners for this road
Aaron Feagan and B.M'Crary of Baldwin; John King, Thomas
M'Ginty and Thomas Durham of Wilkinson; Robert Sherrard,
John Hays and Thomas Dennard of Twiggs.

The Hartford road had been built not a moment too soon.
Along the road was soon heard the roll of drums, the
rumble of artillery wagons, the tramp of soldiers, as
they hurried to the frontier. Galloping couriers carried
the despatches to and from Milledgeville and General
Blackshear along this road which became his line of
communication.

WILKINSON COUNTY'S PART

IN THE WAR OF 1812

Perhaps never in the history of the civilized world has a
universal fear seized the whole people as during this
period of time. The great dread that seized the whole of
Europe at the monster armies of Napoleon on the one side
and his enemies on the other had spread to the New World.
It seized upon the Creek Indian nation, where their
superstitions prepared the way for any cult that might be
introduced.

The British, recognizing the trend of events was
inevitably drawing America into maelstrom of war which
was engulfing Europe and that she would be aligned on the
side of her Revolutionary ally, France, was not slow to
grasp the opportunity of arousing the Creeks into a
religious frenzy against the Americans. She could not
have selected a more powerful agent to produce this than
Tecumseh. With his band of Shawnees, he came from Detroit
into the Creek nation. From tribe to tribe he went, even
into the Seminoles of Florida, teaching them the "Dance
of the Lakes," converting all the disgruntled elements to
his faith immediately and  from them

spreading to those who had always been loyal to the
Americans. His prophecies of destruction for those who
refused to believe in him, death by quagmires,
earthquakes, thunder and lightning and all the forces of
nature, which he claimed to be at his beck and call,
while the bullets of their enemies would prove harmless
to the true believers; all this was rapidly having its
effect on the Indians. As he went from tribe to tribe,
the mantle of Tecumseh was cast upon other able local
prophets, and these took up the work with such a spirit
that the whole nation was soon in an uproar. Chieftain
after chieftain was converted, and town after town began
rapidly to join the war party until nine-tenths of the
whole nation was arrayed against the Americans. Here and
there, however, a chieftain would remain loyal to the
Americans and hold his followers in line.

Chiefest of these was Big Warrior of the Tuckabatches,
Chief Speaker of the nation. He treated with derision the
teachings of Tecumseh and his converts. Tecumseh,
however, had been informed by the British that a comet
would appear in the fall and that he could safely
prophesy concerning its approach to the Indians and use
it to further his ends. Tecumseh therefore prophesied
that Big Warrior would see his arm extended across the
heavens in the fall and when he, Tecumseh, returned to
Detroit, he would stamp his feet and shake down every
house in Tuckabatchee. The next month after he made this
remarkable prediction, a mighty rumbling was heard in the
earth and the houses of Tuckabatchee reeled and tottered
in an earthquake. (Pickett's History of Alabama, ap.
515.) Soon the comet appeared. To the superstitious red
men it was Tecumseh's arm extended.

But still the staunch old chieftain, though with fear and
trembling, refused to take sides against the Americans.
With him, remained the greater part of the Tuckabatchee
tribe as well as the Coweta, the Cusseta and a few other
tribes.

Both the British and Tecumseh, himself, seems to have
overestimated the power their plans would have upon the
superstitious minds of the Indians. Their success
overstepped

WAR PREPARATIONS IN WILKINSON

their most sanguine expectations and perhaps saved the
southern states from one of the greatest massacres in
history. The British had calculated upon, and had timed
the Indian outbreak to coincide with the arrival of their
fleets and land forces to be sent from Europe. But the
religious fanaticism of the Indians could not be
restrained. Killings and disorders broke out throughout
the whole Indian nation. A civil war among the Creeks was
imminent in 1813. Hoboheilthle, the Tallassee king,
famous in Georgia history, now grasped the war club.
Though a delegation of Indians loyal to the Americans
hurried to him and urged him to desist, he vowed he would
not only capture and destroy all the Indian towns lying
between him and the Georgia frontiers but would not pause
in his victorious march through Georgia until he had
reached the Ogeechee; that with his bows and arrows and
war clubs and magic powers, aided by the British and
Shawnees who were already en route, he would crush the
Americans. (Indian Affairs, p. 847.)

WILKINSON COUNTY THREATENED BY THE INDIANS

The disaffection of this famous old chieftain was a
serious blow to the Americans. For his were no idle
threats. His influence throughout the Creek land would
now rally hundreds of braves to the British arms. Only
too well did the uneasy families of Wilkinson and the
adjoining counties realize the peril that now faced them
as this news reached the Georgia frontiers, for WILKINSON
LAY IN HIS THREATENED LINE OF MARCH, with only thinly
settled Twiggs county lying between it and the Indian
country, and the small federal garrison at Fort Hawkins
to stand guard.

In June 1813, news reached the Indian nation that the
Shawnees from the Great Lakes were coming. This seems to
have been taken by them as the signal for their outbreak.
The civil war now burst forth and the towns loyal to the
Americans began to feel the weight of Indian vengeance.
The Indian chieftain, Cornells, hurried to Milledgeville
and urged the

governor of Georgia to rush troops to the aid of the
loyal Indians but the governor was dilatory and the civil
war continued to rage. In July another appeal was sent to
Benjamin Hawkins by the Indians offering a part of the
Indian lands if aid should be sent them. At the same
time, Big Warrior, whose town was now beseiged by the
hostiles was sending appeals to the ancient allies of his
tribe, the Cherokees, for aid. The combined forces of the
hostiles were now turned against Tuckabatchee whose
warriors still stood firm. The Cussetah and the Coweta
chiefs now vowed they would die in the defense of Big
Warrior and gathering two hundred warriors ordered their
war chiefs to fight their way to Tuckabatchee and bring
back to Coweta the beleagured braves of Big Warrior.
Welcome news arrived by runners that the Cherokees were
on the march to the aid of the loyal Creeks.

The Cussetah and Coweta warriors having succeeded in
saving Big Warrior and his tribesmen and bringing them
back with them, the Indian towns along the Chattahoochee
were fortified against Hoboheilthle, who was now the
recognized head of the war faction, and was putting into
effect his threats of systematic destruction of all the
Indian towns which refused to dance the "Dance of the
Lakes." These fortified towns along the Chattahooche now
constituted the first line of defense for the people of
Wilkinson county against the threatened destruction.

And yet, the governor of Georgia as well as the federal
authorities seemed unaware of the great crisis facing
this section. Tardiness and delays were making the weak
Indian towns fight their battles against overwhelming
odds.

Suddenly in August the massacre at Fort Mimms filled the
nation with horror and awakened it to the fact that a
crisis was upon this section. Their success in this
attack on Fort Mimms now convinced the Indians that their
prophets were worthy of belief, and it was immediately
decided to attack the well fortified Coweta town with all
the forces that could be brought to bear and after
reducing it, sweep Georgia to the Savannah river where
the British would co-operate. The date

WAR PREPARATIONS IN WILKINSON

fixed for the storming of Coweta town was about October
1st, 1813. News also reached the friendly Indians that
the Seminoles well armed by the Spaniards in Florida were
on the march to join in with the attack. Frantic appeals
were sent to the governor of Georgia stating that unless
help arrived the loyal towns would have to join the
hostile "Red Sticks" to prevent being destroyed. The
governor of Georgia now thoroughly alarmed hastened
General Floyd with his Georgia militia to the aid of
Coweta and they arrived in time to prevent its fall.

In the meantime the inhabitants in this immediate section
threatened by Hoboheilthle were in a panic of fear.
Knowing his ability to make good this threat with his
thousands of fanatic warriors, those living nearest the
Ocmulgee frontier were in a high state of alarm and were
fleeing into the interior. Immense numbers left their
homes in terror, for the comparatively small forces of
militia which could be depended on were no match for the
red tribesmen of Hoboheilthle. Brigadier-General David
Blackshear, of Laurens county, was in command of the
Second Brigade of the Fifth Division, composed of the
regiments of Wilkinson, Twiggs, Laurens, Pulaski, and
Telfair counties.

In the early part of August, 1813, the situation along
the frontiers guarded by this brigade became so serious
that Governor Mitchell ordered him to repair at once to
the Ocmulgee and take such steps as would make the
inhabitants secure. Hastening to Twiggs county he
hurriedly had three forts erected along the river at
strategic points. From this county he went to Pulaski and
Telfair where he had seven other forts built. Col.
Ezekiel Wimberly commanding the militia of Twiggs was
ordered to assemble sufficient men to garrison the forts
along the Twiggs border and to provide mounted spies to
patrol the territory lying between. Col. Allen Tooke of
Pulaski and Major Cawthorn of Telfair were given similar
orders to garrison the forts of their respective
counties. The Wilkinson county militia under the command
of Col. William Cawley and that of Laurens county was now
ordered out to relieve

these garrisons in the guarding of the frontier. Those
parts of the first class militia not in active service
were required to assemble at Irwinton every two weeks to
be drilled and disciplined.

Although the militia of this whole section was now under
arms, it began to be realized that the state was totally
unprepared for a war such as was bursting upon it. It was
found that there were insufficient arms, especially in
Telfair county, with which to provide the militia.
General Blackshear at once sent urgent demands on the
governor for more. It was now also discovered that the
powder and balls provided by the state arsenals were
practically worthless. Thus, badly armed and equipped,
the militia formed a weak second line of defense along
the Ocmulgee against the impending extermination by the
hostile Creeks. On every breeze came rumors of British
warships filled with thousands of British troops which
were expected to be landed on either the Atlantic coast
or the Gulf coast and march through Georgia, and against
any well armed body of men the militia would fare badly.
However, the arms and ammunition problem was partly
remedied.

In the meantime events were happening in the Indian
nation which gave relief to the fear-stricken settlers of
this section. General Floyd had arrived at Coweta and
reinforced by the friendly Indians had defeated the
Indians at Caleebee, in which battle the Tallassee King
fell. Likewise Andrew Jackson at the head of his West
Tennesseans had arrived in the Indian nation, and Cocke
with his East Tennesseans was approaching. Battle after
battle was fought, the Indians fighting with a fanatical
ferocity never equalled in the history of the Creek
nation. Had the overzealous prophets been able to have
restrained their converts and co-ordinated their uprising
with the arrival of the British forces, the history of
Wilkinson county would have told a far different story.
As it was, the Creeks could not withstand the
overwhelming armies that were sent against them and their
power was crushed before the British arrived.

General Blackshear during this time had assembled

WAR PREPARATIONS IN WILKINSON

his forces at Hartford (Hawkinsville), as his
headquarters and extended his line of operations to the
Flint river where he stationed a force for the protection
of the Ocmulgee frontier. This released the line of forts
from so rigid a guard. All the first class militia of
this section was now organized and surrendered to the use
of the federal government to be sent to whatever front
deemed necessary (Bench & Bar of Ga., Vol. 1. p, 419). It
now became essential for the second class militia of
these counties to guard the Ocmulgee line of defense.

As the year 1814 wore on dark days fell upon Wilkinson
county. Washington city had been burned by a victorious
British army. The great Napoleon on whom America had so
fondly based her hopes of invincibility when she had
entered the war met his downfall at Leipsic and was sent
into exile. News reached Georgia that the hosts of
British redcoats fresh from the battlefields of Europe
would now be poured into Georgia, either from the Gulf or
from the Atlantic coast. Irwinton was now made the
recruiting rendezvous of Lieutenant Gresham, 2nd Lt. 8th
U.S. Infantry.

A new Indian peril now faced this immediate section. Ten
British ships having arrived at Apalachicola, the
Seminole tribes which had become greatly augmented by
large numbers of other Creeks upon the utter defeat of
the Creek nation by Jackson, Floyd and others, had
flocked to the Seminoles and now seized upon this
opportunity to get revenge. Thus in September of 1814,
the citizens of these counties between the Ocmulgee and
Oconee were thrown into great excitement over well
substantiated rumors that the Seminoles would shortly
attack Hartford. Col. Allen Tooke commanding the militia
of Pulaski county, recognizing the dire straits that
section was now in by reason of all the first class
militia having entered the federal service hurried a
courier to Governor Early informing him of the perilous
situation.

The forts guarding the Ocmulgee were now reinforced with
a body of scouts was thrown across the river to explore
the Indian country throughout that section, and locate
any

hostiles on the march.

It became increasingly apparent that New Orleans would be
the first objective of the victorious British armies and
fleets. Major-General Andrew Jackson, who was in command
of the federal forces throughout the southern states,
began hastening thither with his army and sent urgent
calls to Governor Early to rush the first class militia
to Mobile with the utmost despatch. Col. Ezekiel
Wimberley's regiment was detached from General
Blackshear's brigade and ordered to rendezvous at Fort
Hawkins. Arriving there with less than its full
complement, the regiment was completed by recruits from
the second class militia of Jasper and Morgan counties.

The Seminole troubles now caused a change in the plans.
General McIntosh immediately proceeded on the march but
General Blackshear was ordered to march with Col.
Wimberley's regiment from Hartford together with other
troops to the Flint river and after establishing a depot
to keep McIntosh informed of any forces of hostile
Indians. Meanwhile Major Blue of the 39th regiment with
sixteen hundred mounted men, Choctaws, Chickasaws and
Creeks were on the march against the Seminoles. Likewise,
Col Benjamin Hawkins' regiment of Creeks was ready to
march against them, and should it be necessary, General
McIntosh's command was also to turn aside from the march
to Mobile and aid in the extermination of the Seminoles.

On December 19, 1814, General McIntosh, receiving more
disturbing information by Indian runners of the
activities of the British at Apalachicola, hastily sent a
courier to Blackshear informing him of the dangers the
southwestern part of Georgia was in, from not only the
British and Indians but also the further fact that
hundreds of negroes which had fled to the Seminoles were
now being armed and drilled for the purpose of being
turned loose on the state, and at the same time ordering
Blackshear to rush his command with all speed to the
confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee rivers.

Although Blackshear's forces were almost totally without
any supplies, having less than a days's rations on

WAR PREPARATIONS IN WILKINSON

hand, the emergency was so great that he immediately took
up the line of march at the same time sending
requisitions to Governor Early to have supplies sent
forward, in order to prevent a failure of the expedition.
Food and munitions were sent on after Blackshear's army
as fast as they could be collected; but on January 3rd to
add to the troubles, the flat which was being used to
ferry them across the river at Hartford sank and it was
some days before it could be put back into service. In
the meantime Blackshear's men were approaching the Flint
river.

The arrival in the Gulf of Mexico of the British war
fleet with one hundred, fifty boats and barges loaded
with soldiers was now learned, its objective being New
Orleans, and Mobile its second place of attack. This made
necessary that all available Georgia troops be rushed to
that point. General McIntosh leaving the Seminole problem
for Blackshear to solve was now en route there.

News arriving that Major Blue had defeated the Seminoles
to such an extent that extensive depredations against the
Georgia frontiers were improbable, Governor Early ordered
General Blackshear to change his destination and proceed
as rapidly as possible towards Mobile and if possible
overtake McIntosh's army before its arrival there.
Blackshear's brigade, unable to carry its baggage through
the old Indian trail to Fort Mitchell, had to turn about
and march back to Hartford, thence strike the road
leading through Twiggs county to Fort Hawkins.

This, he had done and was already on the road to Fort
Hawkins when Governor Early received the astounding
intelligence that the British had landed troops on
Cumberland island and was ravaging that whole section of
the state. The Seminoles were hurrying their bands to
unite with them and hundreds of negroes were turning
against their former masters and joining the British with
the resultant horrors of the threatened race war.

With the impending attack on Mobile, which, if
successful, would let in the vast British armies
reinforced by

thousands of Indians for a triumphant march through
Wilkinson county to the capital of the state; with the
bulk of her military forces en route to Mobile to prevent
this very threat; now from the southeast invaded by
strong forces at her  most vulnerable point, all Georgia
knew that her crisis had arrived.

Blackshear's army including the Wilkinson county soldiers
had been inducted into the federal service and was under
federal orders to proceed to Mobile, and hence Governor
Early had no legal right to control his movements.
However, this was the only available force that could be
rushed to the coast to stop the invaders. The governor,
therefore, on the 19th of January, sent a courier to
Blackshear urging him to change his course and hurry with
all possible speed to the relief of the panic stricken
citizens of the coastal counties. Although it might mean
a court-martial for disobedience of orders, Blackshear
realized that the fate of Georgia might depend upon his
decision, and without a moment's loss of time, he swung
his army around and started on the road through Telfair
to Darien, at the same time writing McIntosh of his
reasons for deviating from the instruction to join him.

Although with less than half the number of men the
British had landed on the Georgia coast, badly supplied
with arms, ammunition and provisions, Blackshear by
forced marches, lost no time in rushing aid to that
section. The road along which his army was marching,
however, was filled with refugees, fleeing into the
distant parts of Georgia from the imminent perils, and
his march was retarded by their baggage-laden wagons
frequently blocking the road.

Never did an army march more eagerly than did
Blackshear's. They were going not merely to the defense
of their fellow Georgians on the coast, but they were
striking at a peril which threatened this section, their
families, their homes. Blackshear's despatches gives a
vivid picture of the morale of his men as they marched
for the coast, telling of how many of his men were ill
and in the hospitals when the order came to rush to
Darien, but in spite of this, large numbers of them
overtook his army on the march and rejoined their

WAR PREPARATIONS IN WILKINSON

comrades.

On the day before Blackshear reached Darien, he received
the news of Jackson's victory at New Orleans. The arrival
of Blackshear's army together with this glorious news
completely changed the aspect on this front. Detachments
of his command soon occupied Sapelo island. Others
picketed the approaches to the British lines cutting off
bands of negroes attempting to join the British. Before
Blackshear's army could attack the enemy, the news of the
treaty of Ghent arrived and hostilities ceased.

(Documents and letters in Sketch of David Blackshear,
Bench and Bar of Georgia, Vol. I, pages 411, et seq.;
Pickett's History of Alabama; Indian Affairs, Vol. I;
Augusta Chronicle.)

CHAPTER 26

THE POST WAR BOOM

THE fragments of history picked up here and there
describ-

Ting the conditions in Wilkinson County following the
Tclosing of the War of 1812, strikingly remind us of the
conditions of our own times since the World War. There
was a high price for anything the farmers of Wilkinson
had to sell. The demand for cotton to be exported to
Europe was pouring a flood of gold into the county. Land
values rose rapidly as all the available acreage was
planted. The white population in 1820 was 5,144, and the
black population 2,663. More and more slaves were brought
in and sold to the planters at enormous prices, this
requiring more land for them to cultivate. Rents for land
were high where any could be found.

The distance to the seaport was the main drawback.
Savannah, one hundred fifty miles, and Augusta more than
one hundred miles distant were considered the best
markets and in the falls when the cotton was ready to be
sold, communities would co-operate in providing their
carts and wagons and several would journey together to
these towns carrying their produce. Some of the larger
planters employed wagoners by the year, keeping them
constantly on the road carrying their farm produce
thither and merchandise back. Although the Oconee River
could be used as a means of transportation, yet, it seems
the planters preferred hauling their cotton overland.
Direct connection with Savannah by an economical artery
of commerce was now the urgent need of the day, and the
best minds of Georgia were trying to solve the problem.
In spite of the handicaps of transportation the wealth of
the county rapidly grew.

The growing wealth brought tremendous changes in the
economic life of the county. More tradesmen came to make
this their home. Irwinton was now growing rapidly.

THE POST WAR BOOM

There was a great demand for educated men and the
opportunities for the young man have never been exceeded
in the history of the county. For those agriculturally
minded, there was the demand for overseers for the large
plantations; for those who craved military honors, there
was the great military organization of the State which
required well trained officers, with the constant
prospect of the nation being engaged in some war on short
notice; for the professional man there was the vast
rapidly growing hinterland which was demanding more and
more lawyers, physicians, etc.; for the man who preferred
the schoolroom, there was the clamor for teachers and
private instructors by the wealthy planters who wanted to
give their children an education; especially for the
politically minded were opportunities such as have never
been again. The rapid-fire creation of new counties
throughout the State brought with it the necessity for
new officers to govern them, and the man with the ability
for leadership who arrived first could almost always
count on a political career. Likewise there was a spirit
of unrest among the settlers to a large extent, the
craving for greener pastures, the urge to seek new lands.
Thus we find numbers of the earlier families of Wilkinson
completely disappearing from the records here, only to
re-appear in some other section of the State or in
Alabama. If there is anything to the old adage, "Blood
will tell," it is well indicated by the numerous
instances of striking successes made by these emigrants
from Wilkinson.

The post war boom brought other changes, the counterpart
of which we have here today. There seems to have been
almost a complete cessation of spiritual growth. During
the period when the Great Crisis was approaching and
while the war was in progress the people were religious,
but now that the war was over, the dangers had passed,
wealth and good times were at hand there was a
backsliding and falling from grace so pronounced, that
the preachers were commenting on the "low state of
religion and abounding iniquity." (History of Georgia
Baptists.)

However, about 1819, the boom began to lessen and

prices began to fall. It was during this year that the
first steamboat began to ply the Oconee River, and with
the growth of Darien into a prominent cotton market
coupled with the cheaper transportation by water it was
inevitable that the planters here should choose this
method of getting their products to market. Cotton could
now be shipped to Darien for $1.25 per bale. The advent
of the steamboat thus gave to the farmers adjacent to the
river great advantages over those less favorably located.
This, in a manner, greatly compensated for the falling
prices.

The day the first steamboat arrived, hundreds of people
flocked to the landings to witness the sight.
Recollections handed down to the writer state that Susan
Hogan, sister of Elijah Hogan, later wife of William
Smith, was present on this occasion and that the name of
the first boat was "Lady Washington."

CHAPTER 27

THE BUILDING OF IRWINTON

IRWINTON, so named in honor of Governor Jared Irwin,
Iowes its origin as a town to the establishing of the
county Isite here. Being at the crossing of the road
leading from Savannah to Fort Hawkins, and that from
Milledgeville to the counties and towns lying to the
southeast, together with the principal reason of its
being approximately in the geographical center of the
county, it was thus logical that it should be placed in
this immediate vicinity, as soon as the Twiggs county
portion was cut off.

Old hearsays handed down from the earlier settlers tell
us that far back in the Indian days, the present site of
the courthouse was an Indian trading post; that the
Indians throughout middle Georgia flocked here to do
their trading; the monster gullies just east of the
courthouse were caused by hundreds of horses of those
coming hither to trade being led down the paths to the
springs under the hill for water, thus making deep paths
which became deeper with every rain.

Information given by J.H. Hoover says that his father,
Jack Hoover, came to Irwinton in 1810 and at that time
there were only two small cross-road stores here, both of
which specialized in groceries, and grog.

For the first few years after the Legislature had
designated this immediate vicinity for the county site,
the town evidently grew very slowly. No one knew exactly
what lot would be chosen. Land values here no doubt grew
with leaps and bounds and in all probability one of the
reasons for the slowness of the commissioners to act, was
the price asked for the land. Another reason affecting
the selection might have been the war raging. The
topography of the entire section, cut up as it was by
hills and valleys, rendered it impossible to find

a lot sufficiently level to be suitable for a town site.
Finally, after lengthy delays according to tradition, the
lot owned by W.C. Pearson was selected. When it became
known that this lot had been purchased, there was raised
such a howl that although more than a century has
elapsed, yet its echoes still reverberate, and the
criticism heaped upon the commissioners, linger in the
traditions of the town.

It seems that no lots had been sold up to 1814 and in the
Georgia Journal of March 23, is found an advertisement
stating the lots would be sold on May 5th, the lots to be
of one-half acre in size. The commissioners, after having
set aside certain portions for the public buildings,
advertised the lots for sale at public outcry. The
results of the same seems to have been disappointing. One
reason was, probably that the building lots as surveyed
were not attractive for residences. Another reason was,
that the outcome of the war was extremely in doubt, and
the sale came off at a time when it looked as if Georgia
was doomed to be overrun by the British. Insufficient
funds were derived for the building of the courthouse and
jail and neither seems to have been built until after
1818 when a special tax was levied on the property of the
county for this purpose.

In the meantime the town was being built largely upon the
lot of land lying to the northeast of the lot chosen by
the commissioners.

Up to 1816 there was no municipal government at Irwinton,
but in December of that year the Legislature attempted to
incorporate the town. However, the drafter of the bill
overlooked the very material clause designating just how
far the limits of the town should extend, and this was
amended the following year specifying that the town
should extend four hundred yards each way from the
courthouse.

The Legislature appointed as Irwinton's first
commissioners; Solomon Worrell, David Rowland, Adam
Hunter, Peter McArthur, and William Beck. An unusual
feature of the authorities granted these commissioners
was the power and the duty to improve and repair the
springs of the town. For

THE BUILDING OF IRWINTON

violations of their ordinances, however, they were
forbidden to inflict the penalty of corporal punishment
except on slaves and persons of color.

The map of the town with the names of the streets seems
to have been lost. But an old advertisement in the
Georgia Journal gives the names of two of the streets and
indicated that the street leading east, toward Ball's
Ferry was Washington street and the one leading southeast
by the courthouse toward old Sumpterville in Laurens
county was Sumpter street.

CHAPTER 28

POLITICS, 1812 TO 1860

WILKINSON County seems to have been so busy with Wother
matters for a few years following the war that Wshe had
little time to devote to politics. Party lines were not
so tightly drawn. However, in 1819, and following that
year as the quarrels of the Clark and Troupe factions
grew in virulence throughout the State, Wilkinson
promptly lined up with John Clark and few counties in the
State were more loyal to him than Wilkinson. Although
there were quite a few Virginians in the county and
practically all the lawyers of the county took sides with
Troupe and in addition to that, the proximity of Troupe's
home a comparatively short distance southeast of this
county in what was then Montgomery, yet, the Clark
faction dominated the politics of the county at all
elections. We are able to get a picture of the political
situation here in 1825, the year the Governor of Georgia
was first elected by popular vote. The returns of this
election gave Clark the overwhelming majority of 716 as
against 116 for Troupe.

For several years thereafter whenever any test of
strength came between these parties, Wilkinson was found
in the Clark column. In the 1828 presidential election,
Major John Hatcher, political leader and a staunch Clark
supporter, threw the weight of his political strength in
favor of Andrew Jackson, and Major Hatcher was chosen as
one of Jackson's electors. In the 1829 gubernatorial
race, the Clark faction had no candidate, while the
Troupe faction had two, Gilmer and Crawford, thus giving
the Clark faction the balance of power. This was thrown
to Gilmer, giving him 480 and Crawford only 65. However,
in the election held in 1831 Gilmer was opposed

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by Lumpkin, and Wilkinson polled the handsome vote of 696
for Lumpkin and only 119 for Gilmer. (It will be noted
that John Clark having left the State, there was a change
in the names of the parties, the Union party taking the
place of the Clark party and Lumpkin ran on the Union
ticket. The States Right Party now began to take the
place of the Troupe party - the same parties under
different names.)

Among the strong supporters of the States Rights party we
find W.F. Bond, Isaac Hall, and Charles C. Beall, being
chosen to represent Wilkinson County in the State
convention to nominate a candidate for Governor.

The election for 1833 in Wilkinson was another victory
for the Clarkites or Union party, although in the county
offices there was no such issue made. The poll for
Governor gave Lumpkin 686 and Crawford 172.

As an indication of Wilkinson County's rule to vote for
the best qualified men regardless of party, in spite of
the fact that Wilkinson voters were predominantly
Clarkites, yet all through these years we constantly find
Samuel Beall, an ardent Troupeite and States Right
advocate, being elected to the highest offices that the
county could offer.

THE KING-TROUPE

SENATORIAL RACE OF 1844

In 1844, the system of electing Senators was changed from
one to a county, which had been the rule heretofore so
that Wilkinson and Laurens counties formed the 10th
Senatorial district. Wesley King, of Wilkinson, nominee
of the Whigs, was opposed by a son of Governor Troupe,
nominee of the Democrats, from Laurens. The battle of
Clark against Troupe now for the first time in a local
office seems to have been waged. Although the leavening
influence of strong States Right Democrats in Wilkinson
had been winning large numbers of converts to this party,
Beall having been elected to the Senate in 1841 running
on a States Right platform and Irwinton under the
political leadership of Samuel Beall having become a
veritable Democratic hot-bed, yet, when the real

contest between the two old parties of Clark and Troupe
was revived, the old Clark element rallied to the aid of
King. Some of the echoes of this struggle are yet handed
down. Many of the old Troupe adherents espoused the cause
of Troupe. A strong element in the southern part of the
county, the Carswells, the Stanleys, the Burkes, and
others, swept that entire section for King. Though such a
strong Democrat, yet Samuel Beall forgot party lines and
in this contest took the field for his friend Wesley
King, who was elected. (Accounts given the writer by I.S.
King, a son of Wesley King).

During the Forties the Whig party had many supporters in
Wilkinson County. Joel Rivers seems to have been for a
time the leader of the Whigs. Other leading Whigs were
Alexander Nesbit, Josiah Whitehurst, Sr., Dave Pool, Tom
Connelly, Jack Lavender, Sr., W.M. Whitehurst, Joel
Deese, and James Jackson. However, the county as whole
ordinarily leaned strongly to the Democratic party. The
American or Know Nothing party seems never to have gained
extensive headway.

CUMMING-CARSWELL SENATORIAL RACE

The law in regard to the Senatorial districts of the
State having been changed so that Wilkinson County
elected her own Senator during the years following 1852,
there arose a hot political race in 1854 between the
Whigs and the Democrats. Eli Cumming was nominated by the
Democrats. At first two candidates were opposing him,
N.A. Carswell and James G. Ockington, all three leading
attorneys of Irwinton. With both these opponents in the
race it soon appeared that Cumming would have an easy
victory. Ockington seems not to have had the extensive
family connections that Carswell had, for the latter, in
addition to his political strength at Irwinton and in the
other sections of the county could especially count upon
his kinsmen in Turkey Creek and High Hill Districts to
carry that entire section almost unanimously for him.
Therefore Ockington withdrew, throwing his strength to
Carswell.

A battle royal was now on. The Burkes, Carswells,

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Stanleys, Wesley King of the districts south of Big
Sandy, Joel Deese of Lords, James Jackson of Passmore,
the whole Rivers generation of Ramah, and other prominent
Whigs arrayed their forces on the side of Carswell.

On the other hand Samuel Beall, Ordinary of the County,
now getting on in years sounded the political warwhoop of
the Democrats and rallied them to the aid of Cumming.
I.S. King, the son of Wesley King, a youth not yet in his
teens but who was already a staunch Whig and a strong
supporter of Carswell, volunteered his services in the
campaign. To him was dedicated the duty of "getting Sam
Beall's goat." The following song was memorized by him
and he would stand near the Ordinary's office each day
while Beall was in and sing:

"Carswell ate the watermelon;

Cumming ate the rind;

Carswell went to Milledgeville

And left Cumming behind."

The result of the election, however, was in favor of
Cumming.

(Account given the writer by I.S. King).

The storm over the Slavery question which was agitating
the nation during the Fifties found its counterpart in
Wilkinson County. There was a large part of its citizens
who owned no slaves and who were frequently irritated by
slave-owners, who were continuously enlarging their
estates. Samuel Beall was still the veteran leader of the
States Rights Democrats and under his leadership the
small minority of those voting the Troupe ticket in
former years were now frequently dominating the elections
of the county.

While the States Rights question was agitating the State,
a convention was thus called at Irwinton in April, 1851,
which was destined to be of state-wide interest. The
resolutions prepared by the committee and adopted by the
Convention so forcibly set forth the contentions of the
party that when they were published county after county
convention seized

upon and adopted these resolutions. "The Wilkinson
Resolutions" became the Battle-cry of the Democratic
party of Georgia.

THE WILKINSON RESOLUTIONS

"As meetings are now being held for the appointment of
delegates to the Convention on the 20th of May, we again
lay before our readers, and commend to notice, the
resolutions adopted in Wilkinson:

`Resolved, That in the present eventful crisis of our
country's history, when all the tendencies of the
Government are to the consolidation of its powers, that
it is essential to the preservation of the Constitution
in its purity, and of the liberties it was designed to
secure, that those great fundamental republican
principles should be cherished and sustained which have
conducted our country to the proud elevation which she
now enjoys among the nations of the earth.

`Resolved. That among these great fundamental republican
principles we recognize as cardinal and paramount that
the Federal Government is a Government of limited powers,
having no control over the States or the people thereof,
except that expressly conceded, or that necessary to
carry into effect conceded powers that, as a necessary
consequence, the States are sovereign as regards all the
rights not there conceded; and that it becomes the people
thereof at all hazards as they love the Constitution and
the Union, vigilantly to guard and protect themselves
against all encroachments upon those rights reserved to
the States.

`Resolved, That these doctrines, taught and illustrated
by Jefferson and Madison - doctrines which gloriously
triumphed in 1800 - have ever been recognized and adopted
by all real republicans; and that they are doctrines
concerning which Troup men and Clark men, Union men and
States Rights men, in Georgia never hereto differed.

`Resolved, That these are now, as they have ever been,
the doctrines of the Democratic party; and we still hold
their maintenance essential to the preservation of the
Constitution, the Union, and the liberties bequeathed to
us by our fathers;

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and that inasmuch as the States of the Southern section
of this Union are in a doomed minority and vitally
interested in an institution secured by the Constitution,
it is suicidal, especially on their part, not
pertinaciously to adhere to it as the sheet-anchor of
their safety.

`Resolved. That upon the agitating question which now
divides the North and the South, Georgia, in her
sovereign capacity, by her Convention in December last,
defined her position; that, as Georgians Loyal to the
Expressed Will of the People, we acquiesce in that
position, and pledge ourselves to sustain it, and to do
all that we can to see that Georgia `takes no step
backward.'

`Resolved. That we approve of the convention proposed to
be held in Milledgeville by the friends of republican
principles, of democracy, and of the rights of the
States, which can be no other than the friends of
Southern Rights, for the purpose of nominating a
candidate for Governor, and earnestly but respectfully
suggest that the convention assemble on the last
Wednesday in May next."

(Bench and Bar of Ga. p. 288-9).

SLAVERY AND PLANTATIONS IN WILKINSON

To a large extent slavery was responsible for the rapid
development of Wilkinson's agricultural industry. The
vast yellow pine forests, which would now be worth untold
riches were ruthlessly slaughtered to make way for the
crops of cotton. The swamps were cleared and ditched for
other crops all of which required much manual labor.
Then, too, the cultivation, picking and preparing of
cotton for market demanded more labor than the white
population could furnish, in spite of the prolific
families which were customary in those days.

While there were a number of planters in the county with
large holdings of lands and slaves yet there were many
small slave-owners with one or two slaves and owning
comparatively small farms. There were many others who
owned no slaves at all but cultivated their farms with
their own labor

or hired others to assist them. There were others who
owned nothing, wanted nothing above a bare living who
eked out their existence by occasionally grudgingly
performing some task for their neighbors. It was this
latter class which was called the "poor white trash."

As good times came, the slave-owning class rapidly grew
larger especially among those with initiative. The need
for more land among the plantation owners frequently
caused friction, as the lands increased in value.
Quarrels over boundaries would result and traditions says
that frequently when some big slave-owner desired a farm
owned by a less fortunate neighbor who possessed no
slaves or few of them and who refused to sell his lands,
the large planter would instruct his slaves to make life
miserable for his neighbor. And whenever his neighbor
should leave home for a short while, he would invariably
return to find his hogs or cows had gotten out and were
devouring his choicest crops. Other methods were
sometimes used to make him sell. Thus many were forced to
sell and move away to other counties. The tendency was
for the plantations to increase in size. Especially was
this noticeable in the sections of the county where the
soil was well adapted to cotton growing, as cotton could
be raised by slave labor much more profitably than other
crops. In the sections where the soil was mostly sandy or
otherwise unsuitable for cotton, the small land owners
were allowed to own their land in peace.

The large acreage of such soil in the county were mainly
responsible for the slave population not increasing more
rapidly. In 1830, the census showed 5,144 whites and
blacks or a little less than one slave to every two and
one-half white persons. In 1854 there were only 374
slave-owners in the whole divided as follows:

Irwinton District, 55; Bloodworth, 37; Passmore, 22;
Lord's, 52, Ramah, 64; Griffin, 31; High Hill, 75; Turkey
Creek, 38.

The demand for more and more slaves caused the prices for
them to be raised by slave dealers. In the earlier years
after the county was settled slaves would frequently run
away

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and join the negro towns in Florida where they found
refuge and protection among the Seminole Indians. Many
lost their slaves in this manner. The ever-receding
boundary line separating the Indians from Georgia helped
solve this problem, and likewise the acquisition of
Florida by the United States. There was another factor
that affected the slave-owners here in a vast slave-
thieving organization known as Murrel's Band with its
ramifications extending into several states. Slaves would
be stolen in one State and carried hundreds of miles to
another and sold. An instance of this was Old Betty, who
made her home on the lands of James T. Davidson, after
emancipation. She would often recount how she had been
stolen while a child by a robber band in Virginia and
brought to Georgia and sold. Frequently slaves would be
stolen here and carried away elsewhere. Near Pleasant
Plains Church is an old cave which tradition whispers was
used by a black sheep member of a prominent family in
Wilkinson to conceal a slave he had stolen until he could
have time to spirit him away. Another such member of a
prominent family in Bloodworth district got a slave and
trained him, according to the story, he would carry his
slave to some distant town and sell him to some person
and collect, after directing his slave how to escape and
to rejoin him in some other distant place. The slave was
loyal and would always follow his master's instructions,
while his purchaser would mourn the loss of a prize
slave. The process of sale and delivery would be repeated
in some other town and another purchaser would mourn. The
slave was proving a veritable gold mine until heavy
drinking caused his trainer to talk too much, and the
trickster had to shift his operations. This time his own
father began to lose negroes and suspicion was cast on a
neighbor who was indicted and brought to trial in the
Superior Court of Wilkinson County. The State introduced
a part of its witnesses but soon the evidence took an
astounding turn. It began to be forcibly brought out that
the man indicted was innocent but that there were strong
reasons to believe the guilty man was none other than the
slave-owner's son. At the request of the father a verdict
of not guilty was returned against

the indicted man and it required much effort on his part
to prevent the conviction of his own son.

As a rule the slaves were treated with great
consideration in this county. Occasionally a master would
punish his slaves brutally but public opinion always
frowned upon it with such force that the man who
mistreated his slaves continuously was practically
ostracised by his neighbors.

It was nothing uncommon for a slave-owner to desire that
at his death for his slaves be set free. The laws of
Georgia, however, discouraged the freeing of slaves on
account of the fact that so many were unable to make
their own living, and their upkeep would constitute a
problem for the State and county to solve. In 1821 Zadock
Simmons in his will provided that his executors should
transport his slaves to the Coast of Africa and there set
them free.

Slaves as a rule were not regarded by their owners as
mere chattels but as human beings. Those who manifested
religious tendencies were permitted to attend and join
their master's churches. Slave galleries were built in
many houses of worship among these being Big Sandy and
Irwinton churches. The Irwinton slave gallery is still to
be seen. Separate churches for the two races were unknown
until after emancipation.

Visiting of slaves belonging to neighboring plantations
was not prohibited. It was no uncommon occurrence for
some dark swain to become smitten by the charms of some
dusky damsel. He then had two problems on his hand;
first, to win the coy maiden's heart; second, to sing her
praises to his master so incessantly as to induce him to
purchase her. He would tell his master how hard he would
work to help make money to pay for her; how hard she
would also work. He would appeal to his master's cupidity
by picturing to him a yard full of little slaves.

Sometimes, however, there would be insurmountable
obstacles that prevented the union of both husband and
wife on one plantation. An instance of this occurred when
Bennett Whipple's Buck was surreptitiously wedded to
Allen

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Davidson's cook, Hannah. For some reason the couple could
not be united. Buck, however, solved the problem. He knew
of a gully on the Davidson plantation near Hannah's
cabin. One night he slipped away from the Whipple
plantation carrying with him a hoe. At the head of the
gully he digged a cave in such a manner that it could not
be detected. Here for weeks he made his home. Hannah
providing him with food purloined from her master's
table. Finally the secret leaked out and Hannah's master
learning of Buck's whereabouts sent him back home.

The growing number of slaves in the county was an
increasing problem to the citizens. It was necessary to
have patrols in every militia district. The great
responsibility resting on the patrol commissioners caused
the Grand Jury of 1855 to ask "such citizens may be
selected as we have reason to believe feel the
responsibility of the trust and will try to execute it
faithfully." Slaves were forbidden to be abroad at night
without a pass and those caught without one were subject
to be whipped.

The following persons were appointed Commissioners of
Patrols for the year 1856:

Dr. Flemister, J.R. Bragg, V.W. Tharp, Rahma District;
G.B. Burney, J.C. Brown, E. Cumming, Irwinton District;
J.R. Billue, E. Green, Wiley Fordham, Griffin District;
W. Dickson, James Lord, Allen Chambers, Lord's District;
W.W. Lee, Nimrod Burke, Wyatt Meredith, Turkey Creek
District; L. Clay, James Jackson, S.J. Stubbs, Fork
District; I.T. Hughs, D.W. Smith, L. Asbell, High Hill
District; W.L. John, John Eady, G. Jones, Bloodworth
District.

The following old negro tune evidently originated during
these days:

"Run, nigger, run, de patterol `l ketch you

Don't ketch me, but ketch dat nigger behind dat tree

He stole money, I stole none.

Put him in de chain gang jest for fun."

THE PUBLIC ROADS

This was the time when the roads were kept up by the work
of the citizens. Each man between the ages of sixteen and
fifty years of age was required to respond to the summons
of the road overseers to meet on a certain day and
perform such work as was necessary to keep the roads in
repair. Three Commissioners were appointed for each
militia district, and it was their duty to assign the
citizens to work on certain portions of the roads, and to
appoint overseers for each section.

The following persons were appointed Commissioners of
Roads for the year 1856:

Ramah District; Solomon Arnold, H.M. Cook, John King;
Irwinton District: Jesse B. Carroll, F.J. Gilbert, James
Branan; Griffin District; Joel J. Loftin, T.J. Holliman,
James Hartley; Lord's District; W. Ussery, J.A. Dean,
Joel Deese; Turkey Creek, Eli Sears, Allen Davidson, John
Burke; Fork District: L. Clay, Bryant O'Banon, John
Hatcher; High Hill District: Nelson Stuckey, J.F. Burney,
N.W. Hughes; Bloodworth District; D.M. Cook, J.S.
Ethridge, P.T. Youngblood.

THE COURTHOUSE RECORDS OF WILKINSON COUNTY

It is remarkable that there are as many records of
Wilkinson County still in existence when we consider the
number of times the courthouse has been destroyed.
Following the severing of Twiggs County in 1809, the old
records were removed to Irwinton, but for ten years there
was no permanent courthouse in which to store these, and
besides that, what records were kept were largely in
books which easily came apart as evidenced by some of the
old fragments seen by the writer. The records of Estates
seem to have been kept at some place other than the
courthouse for these escaped the fire of 1828, which
destroyed the courthouse, although all the records in the
other offices were burned. The same thing happened in
1854, when again the courthouse burned and the

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greater portion of all other records with the exception
of those of the Ordinary's office was lost. Samuel Beall
was Ordinary at the latter time and probably kept these
records in his home. In 1864, when Sherman's troops were
approaching, Judge Frank Chambers and Dr. Fleetwood got
wagons and removed all the records in the courthouse to
Big Sandy swamp and buried them. In 1924, when the
courthouse burned, the vaults in the Clerk's and
Ordinary's offices saved the most of the more valuable
records. However, many valuable ones which were not in
the vaults were destroyed.

Following the fire of 1854, there was a several months
delay in building a new one. Provision for building it
had to be made by the levying of taxes by the Inferior
Court. The question came up before the Grand Jury of
April, 1854, as to whether it should be rebuilt that
year. The majority of that body was opposed to it but the
minority brought in a minority report recommending it be
built and pursuant to this a two-story frame building was
erected.

For several years after Sherman's destruction, court was
held in some rooms rented for the purpose. However, about
1870, while C.M. Lindsey was Ordinary, a brick building
was erected, Pat Ward, "the Irishman," being the builder.
A tradition is handed down that when he was building it,
whiskey was being sold at Irwinton and getting a quart of
the finest Bourbon, he incased it in a hidden spot in the
masonry, saying that come what would, Irwinton should not
be tee-totally dry. Following the fire of 1924, while the
old walls were being torn down, a thorough search was
made by some thirsty souls but only a broken bottle was
found after the walls fell.

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