Concord, Middlesex co, MA History Chapter I, II
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transcribed by Janice Farnsworth Farns10th@aol.com
Subject: Concord, Mass. Chapter I - Part 1
Source: History of the Town of Concord, Mass. by Lemuel Shattuck, Boston, 1835
Chapter I
p.2
Musketaquid, the original Indian name of Concord and Concord River, for a long time before
it was settled by our fathers, had been one of the principal villages of the Massachusetts
tribe. Nanapashement was the great king or sachem of these Indians. His principal place of
residence was Medford, near Mystic pond. "His house was built on a large scaffold six feet
high, and on the top of a hill. Not far off, he build a fort with palisades 30 or 40 feet high
having but one entrance, over a bridge. This also served as the place of his burial, he having
been killed about the year 1619 by the Tarrantines, a warlike tribe of eastern Indians
at another fort which he had built about a mile off." He left a widow, Squaw Sachem and five
children. Squaw Sachem succeeded to all the power and influence of her husband, as
the great queen of the tribe. Her power was so much dreaded, when she was first visited
by the Plymouth people in 1621, that her enemies, the sachems of Boston and Neponset,
desired protection against her, as one condition of submission to the English. She married
Wibbacowitts, "the powwaw, priest, witch, sorcerer or chirurgeon" of the tribe. This officer
was highest in esteem next to the sachem; and he claimed as a right the hand of a widowed
sachem in marriage; and by this connexion became a king in the right of his wife, clothed
with such authority as was possessed by her squawship. Both assented to the sale of
Musketaquid, though Tahattawan, herafter to be noticed, was the principal sachem of the
place. This tribe was once powerful. Before the great sickness already mentioned, it could
number 3,000 warriors.
p.3
That calamity, and the small-pox, which prevailed among them with great mortality in 1633,
reduced it to nearly one tenth of that number. The Musketaquid Indians suffered in common
with the brethren of their tribe elsewhere. When first visited by the English, their
number was comparatively very small. Their manners, customs, and character form a subject
for general rather than town history. Such notices, as are particularly applicable
to this place or vicinity, will be given in a separate chapter. The place where the principal
sachem lived was near Nahshawtuck (Lee's) hill. Other lodges were south of the Great
Meadows, above the South Bridge, and in various places along the borders of the rivers,
where planting, hunting, or fishing ground was most easily obtained. From these sources
the Indians derived their subsistence; and few places produced a supply more easily than
Musketaquid. South of Mr. Samuel Dennis's are now seen large quantities of clamshells
which are supposed to have been collected by the Indians, as they feasted on that then
much frequented spot. Across the vale, south of Capt. Anthony Wright's, a long mound,
or breast work is now visible, which might have been built to aid the hunter, though its
object is unknown. Many hatchets, pipes, chisels, arrow-heads and other rude specimens
of their art, curiously wrought of stone, are still frequently discovered near these spots,
an evidence of the existence and skill of the original inhabitants.
The situation of the place, though then considered far in the interior and accessible only
with great difficulty, held out strong inducements to form an English settlement, and early
attracted the attention of the adventurous Pilgrims. Extensive meadows, bordering on
rivers and lying adjacent to upland plains, have ever been favorite spots to new settlers;
and this was peculiarly the character of Musketaquid. The Great Fields, extending from the
Great Meadows on the north to the Boston road south, and down the river considerably
into the present limits of Bedford, and up the river beyond Deacon Hubbard's, and the
extensive tract between the two rivers, contained large quantities of open land, which bore
some resemblance to the prairies of the western country. These plains were annually burned
or dug over, for the purposes of hunting or the rude culture of corn.
p.4
Forest trees or small shrubbery rarely opposed the immediate and easy culture of the soil.
And the open meadows, scattered along the borders of the small streams, as well as the
great rivers, and in the solitary glens, then producing, it is said, even larger crops and of
better quality, than they now do, promised abundant support for all the necessary stock
of the farm-yard. These advantages were early made known to the English emigrants.
Traditionally authority asserts that the settlement was first projected in England. It is not
improbable that this may have been partially true, and that William Wood, the author of
"New England's Prospect," and the first who mentions the original name of the river or
place, might have come here in 1633, and promoted its settlement by his representations
after his return to England. It must have been effected, however, in conjunction with others
who were residents in the colony. The plan of the settlement was formed on a large scale
and under the most sanguine anticipations of success. Nearly all the first settlers were
emigrants directly from England; and a greater number of original inhabitants removed,
during the first fifteen years after the settlement, to other towns in the colony, than
permanently remained here. This sufficiently characterizes it as one of the "mother towns."
It was the first town settled in New England above tide waters; and was in fact, as it was
then represented to be, "away up in the woods," being bounded on all sides by Indian
lands, and having the then remote towns of Cambridge and Watertown for its nearest
neighbors.
p.4 - continued
The uniform custom of the early settlers of Massachusetts colony was first to obtain liberty
of the government to commence a new settlement, and afterwards to acquire a full title to
the soil by purchase of the Indians. This title was never obtained by conquest. The first
undertakers, as a preliminary step towards the settlement, had this town granted to them by
the General Court, at its session at New-Town (Cambridge) September 2, 1635, under the
following Act of Incorporation:
"It is ordered that there shall be a plantation att Musketaquid, and that there shall be
six myles of land square to belonge to it; and that the inhabitants thereof shall have three
yeares imunities from all public charges except trainings. Further that, when any that shall
plant there, shall have occasion of carrying of goods thither,
p.5
they shall repair to two of the nexte majistrates, where the teams are, whoe shall have
power for a yeare to press draughts att reasonable rates, to be paid by the owners of the
goods, to transport their goods thither at seasonable tymes; and the name of the place is
changed hereafter to be called CONCORD."
Governor Winthrop says that this grant was made "to Mr. Buckley and ______ merchant, and
about twelve more families, to begin a town." This was undoubtedly the Reverend Peter
Bulkeley; and the merchant intended, Major SIMON WILLARD, two distinguished individuals,
who will be more particularly noticed in the sequel. The loss of early records renders it
impossible to ascertain who the twelve other families were. Their names may, however,
be inferred from an account of early families, to be given in this history. Others were
soon after added; and on the 6th of October, the Reverend John Jones and a large number
of settlers, destined for the plantation arrived in Boston.
The time from which the town should be free from immunities or public charges, mentioned
in the act of incorporation, was calculated from the October following. In 1636 the order
to press carts was renewed for three years more. These peculiar privileges were probably
granted to the first settlers, as an encouragement in their hazardous enterprise. That
legal authority should be given to compel any person, at any time, to carry goods through
a wilderness untrodden by civilized man, appears singular to us, but was probably necess-
ary then, as it would have
p.6
been difficult, if not impossible to hire them "at reasonable rates." Though some privi-
leges were granted to Concord, from its peculiarly remote situation, which were withheld
from other towns, it did not entirely escape censure. Being required to perform military
duty, it was, in 1638, fined five shillings for want of a pair of stocks and a watch-house.
In June, 1639, it had a similar fine imposed, and another for "not giving in a transcript
of their lands." In 1641, it was again fined "10 shillings for neglecting a watch and for
non-appearance." Such fines were imposed on several towns by the General Court, pursuant
to an act, passed June 7, 1636, providing that every town should keep a military watch
and be well supplied with ammunition, as a guard against the incursions of unfriendly
Indians.
It does not appear from any sources of information extant, that all the land, included in
the incorporated limits, was purchased of the Indians till some time after the settlement
had begun, though a part of it might have been. Until May, 1637, no order on the subject
appears. The Court at that time gave "Concord liberty to purchase lande within their Limits
of the Indians; to wit: Attawan and Squaw Sachem." The land was accordingly fairly
purchased, and satisfactory compensation made; and August 5, 1637, the Indian deed was
deposited in the Secretary's office in Boston. The Colony Records give the following
account of this transaction.
"5th. 6mo. 1637.
"Wibbacowett; Squaw Sachem; Tahattawants; Natanquatick, alias Old Man; Carte, alias
Goodmand; did express their consent to the sale of the Weire at Concord over against
the town; and all the planting-ground which hath been formerly planted by the Indians,
to the inhabitants of Concord; of which there was a writing, with their marks subscribed
given into court, expressing the price." Whether this transaction related to the whole
town is uncertain.
A tradition has been handed down that the purchase took place under a large oak, which was
standing in front of the Middlesex Hotel within the memory of our oldest inhabitants, and
called, after one of the original settlers, "Jethro's tree"; and which is said to have
been used in early times as a belfry on which the town bell was hung.
p.7
I have sought in vain for the Indian deed. It was probably lost very early, since measures
were taken in 1684, when the colony charter was declared to be void, and the claims of
Robert Mason to large portions of the country were asserted, to establish the lawful title,
which the inhabitants of Concord had in their soil. The original petition was also lost.
The following depositions, relating to the subject were taken, and are inserted in the
Middlesex Records, and in the Town Records, to answer the purpose of the original deed.
Testimonies of Settlers of Concord October 1684
"The Testimony of William Buttrick, aged sixty-eight years or thereabouts, sheweth;
That about the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, there was an agrement made
by some undertakers for the town since called Concord, with some Indians, that had right
unto the land then purchased of them for the Township. The Indians' names were Squaw
Sachem, Tahattawan, sagamore, Nuttunkurta, and some other Indians that lived and were
then present at that place, and at that time; the tract of land being six miles square,
the centre being about the place where the meeting house now standeth. The bargain was
made and confirmed between the English undertakers and the Indians then present and con-
cerned, to their good satisfaction on all hands."
"7: 8: 84 [7th Oct. 1684]. Sworn in court, Thomas Danforth. Entered in Register at
Cambridge, Liber 9. page 105, by Thomas Danforth."
"The testimony of Richard Rice, aged 74 years," like William Buttrick's, is recorded in full
immediately after it, and attested in the same manner.
"The deposition of Jehojakin, alias Mantatukwet, a Christian Indian of Natick, aged 70 years
or thereabouts.
"This deponent testifieth and saith, that about 50 years since he lived within the bounds of
that place which is now called Concord, at the foot of an hill, named Nahshawtuck (Lee's),
now in the possession of Mr. Henry Woodis, and that he was present at a bargain made at the
house of Mr. Peter Bulkeley (now Capt. Timothy Wheeler's, [this was between the houses of
Daniel Shattuck, Esq. and Capt. John Stacy], between Mr. Simon Willard, Mr. John Jones, Mr.
Spencer, and several others, in hehalfe of the Englishmen who were settling upon the said
town of Concord, and Squaw Sachem, Tahattawan, and Nimrod, Indians, which said Indians,
according to their particular rights and interest, then sold a tract of land containing six
miles square (the said house being accounted about the center), to the said English for a
place to settle a town in; and he the said deponent saw said Willard and Spencer pay a
parcell of Wampumpeage (Indian money curiously made of shells strung on strings and valued
by the fathom at 5 shillings), hatchets, hoes, knives, cotton cloth, and shirts, to the said
Indians for the said tract of land. And in particular perfectly remembers that Wibbacowett
husband to Squaw Sachem, received a suit of cotton cloth, an hat, a white linen band, shoes,
stockings, and a great coat, upon account of said bargain. And in the conclusion, the said
Indians declared themselves satisfied, and told the Englishmen they were welcome.
There were present also, at the said bargain, Waban, merchant; Thomas, his brother-in-law;
Notawquatuckquaw; Tantumous, now called Jethro. Taken upon oath the 20th of October, 1684,
before Daniel Gookin, Sen., Assistant, Thomas Danforth, Deputy Governor. Entered in the
Register at Cambridge, Lib. 9. p. 100, 101; 20: 8: 84 (20th Oct 1684) by Thomas Danforth
Rec'r."
"The Depositon of Jethro, a Christian Indian of Natick, aged 70 years or thereabouts:
"This deponent testifieth and saith, that about 50 years since, he dwelt at Nashobah, near
unto the place now called by the English - Concord; and that coming to said Concord was
present at the making a bargain (which was done at the house of Mr. Peter Bulkeley, which now
Capt. Timothy Wheeler liveth in), between several Englishmen (in behalfe of such as were
settling said place) viz., Mr. Simon Willard, John Jones, Mr. Spencer and others, on
the one party; and Squaw Sachem, Tahattawan, and Nimrod, Indians on the other party; and that
the said Indians (according to their several rights) did then sell to the said English a
certain tract of land containing six miles square (the said house being accounted about the
centre), to plant a town in; and that the said deponent did see the said Willard and Spencer
pay to the said Indians for the said tract of land, a parcell of Wampumpeage (like
Jehojakin's testimony as far as "said bargain")
p.9
and that after the bargain was concluded, Mr. Simon Willard, pointing to the four quarters
of the world, declared that they had bought three miles from that place, east, west, north,
and south; and the said Indians manifested their free consent thereunto. There were present
at the making of the said bargain amongst other Indians, Waban, merchant; Thomas, his
brother-in-law; Natawquatuckquaw; Jehojakin, who is yet living and deposeth in like manner
as above."*
*The town received its name in 1635 and not as here stated, "since" 1636. If the purchase
took place before the act of incorporation, Mr. Jones could not have been present; if in
1636 - he was. These errors in the depositions, not materially affecting their importance,
probably arose from their being given from memory.
This was sworn to, attested, and recorded, like the preceding. The first settlement comm-
enced in the fall of 1635, fifteen years after the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth, and five
years after the settlement of Boston. The first houses were built on the south side of the
hill from the public square to Merriam's corner; and the farm lots laid out, extending back
from the road across the Great Fields and Great Meadows, and in front across the meadows
on Mill Brook. This spot was probably selected because it contained land of easy tillage,
and because it afforded the greatest facilities in constructing such temporary dwellings,
as would shelter the inhabitants from the inclemency of storms and winter.
These huts were built by digging into the bank, driving posts into the ground, and placing
on them a covering of bark, brush-wood, or earth. The second year, houses were erected as
far as where the south and north bridges now stand. This plantation, however, like others
in the colony, was limited in its extent. In 1635, the General Court ordered that "no new
building should be built more than half a mile from the meeting-house in any new plantation.
This order was probably passed for greater safety against the Indians, and appears to have
been enforced in Concord about eight years, after which the settlement began to be much more
extended.
Many of the first settlers were men of acknowledged wealth, enterprise, talents, and edu-
cation, in their native country. Several of nobel families. The Rev. Peter Bulkeley brought
more than 6,000 pounds sterling, the Hon. Thomas Flint, 4,000, and
p.10
others had very respectable estates. Many of them were men of literary attainments. Mr.
Bulkeley became an author of distinguished celebrity. William Wood, if, as is probable,
was the author of "New England's Prospect," was a man of considerable intelligence and
sagacity. But they were eminently a religious people partaking largely of the spirit which
governed the companies that first landed at Plymouth, Salem and Boston. Having been perse-
cuted in their native country, and deprived of the liberty of worshipping God, and enjoying
His ordinances, agreeably to their views of Scripture and duty, they accounted no temporary
suffering or sacrifices too great to be endured, in order to be restored to their natural
rights, and to freedom from religious oppression. Though some were men of fortune and
eminence, and from their infancy had been unaccustomed to hardship, they cheerfully gave up
all their personal comforts, crossed the ocean, and planted themselves in this lonely wild-
erness to endure suffering, for which no pecuniary compensation would have been adequate.
No purpose of wordly gain could have prompted so hazardous and expensive an enterprise.
It was emphatically a religious community seeking a quiet resting-place for their religious
enjoyments and religious hopes. The remark, in reference to the whole colony, that "God
sifted a whole nation that he might send choice grain over into this wilderness," (Lieut.
Governor Stoughton's Election Sermon), might, with propriety, be applied to the resolute and
pious fathers of this town. Though they came from various parts of England, they were united
and had high hopes of happiness and religious prosperity and emphatically lived in Concord.
Nothing but the unexpected hardships, peculiar to their situation could have produced contrary
but almost necessary results.
p.10
The following extract if from Johnson's "Wonder-working Providence" [Mass. Hist. Coll.
vol. iii. pp. 156-159 - Written about 1650.
Being an inhabitant of Woburn, and often associated with the citizens of Concord in public
business, the author had good opportunity to become familiarly acquainted with its early
history. This account may, therefore, be received with more implicit faith, than some of
that author's statements of facts; and, for its curiousity and information, is worthy of
insertion in this connexion.
p.11
"Upon some inquiry of the Indians, who lived to the North West of the Bay, one Captaine
Simon Willard, being acquainted with them, by reason of his trade, became a chiefe instru-
ment in erecting this town.
"The land they purchased of the Indians, and with much difficulties travelling through unknowne
woods, and through watery swamps, they discover the fitnesse of the place; sometimes pass-
ing through the thickets, where their hands are forced to make way for their bodies passage
and their feete clambering over the crossed trees, which when they missed they sunke into an
uncertaine bottome in water, and wade up to their knees, tumbling sometimes higher and some-
times lower. Wearied with this toile, they at end of this meete with a scorching plaine,
yet not so plaine, but that the ragged bushes scratch their legs fouly, even to wearing their
stockings to their bare skin in two or three hours.
"If they be not otherwise well defended with bootes or buskings, their flesh will be torne.
Some of them being forced to passe on without further provision, have had the blood trickle
downe at every step. And in time of summer, the sun casts such a reflecting heate from the
sweet ferne, whose scent is very stong, that some herewith have beene very nere fainting,
although very able bodies to undergoe much travel.
"And this not to be indured for one day, but for many; and verily did not the Lord incourage
their natural parts (with hopes of a new and strange discovery, expecting every houre to see
some rare sight never seen before), they were never able to hold out and breake through."
"After some dayes spent in search, toyling in the day time as formerly said, like true Jacob,
they rest them on the rocks where the night takes them. Their short repast is some small
pittance of bread, if it hold out; but as for drinke they have plenty, the countrey being
well watered in all places that are yet found out. Their further hardship is to travell
sometimes they know not whither, bewildred indeed without sight of sun, their compasse
miscarrying in crowding through the bushes. They sadly search up and down for a known way,
the Indian paths being not above one foot broad, so that a man may travell many dayes and
never find one.
"This intricate worke no whit daunted these resolved servants of Christ to go on with the
worke at hand; but lying in the open aire, while the watery clouds poure down all the night
season and sometimes the driving snow dissolving on
p.12
their backs, they keep their wet cloathes warme with a continued fire, till the renewed
morning give fresh opportunity of further travell. After they have thus found out a place of
aboad, they burrow themselves in the earth for their first shelter under some hillside,
casting the earth aloft upon timber, they make a smoaky fire against the earth at the
highest side. And thus these poore servants of Christ provide shelter for themselves, their
wives and little ones, keeping off the short showers from their lodgings, but the long rains
penetrate through to their great disturbance in the night season.
"Yet in these poor wigwams they sing psalmes, pray and praise their God, till they can
provide them houses, which ordinarily was not wont to be with many till the earth, by the
Lord's blessing, brought forth bread to feed them, their wives and little ones, which with
sore labours they attain; every one that can lift a hoe to strike it into the earth, standing
stoutly to their labours and tear up the rootes and bushes, which the first yeare bears them
a very thin crop, till the soard of the earth be rotten, and therefore they have been forced
to cut their bread very thin for a long season.
"But the Lord is pleased to provide for them great store of fish in the spring time, and
especially Alewives about the bignesse of a Herring. Many thousands of these they used to
put under their Indian corn, which they plant in hills five foote asunder, and assuredly
when the Lord created this corn, he had a speciall eye to supply these, his people's wants
with it, for ordinarily five or six grains doth produce six hundred.
"As for flesh they looked not for any in those times (although now they have plenty) unlesse
they could barter with the Indians for venison or rackoons, whose flesh is not much inferiour
unto lambe. The toil of a new plantation being like the labours of Hercules never at an end,
yet are none so barbarously bent (under the Mattacusets especially) but with a new planta-
tion they ordinarily gather into church fellowship, so that pastors and people suffer the
inconveniences together, which is a great means to season the sore labours they undergoe.
"And verily the edge of their appetite was greater to spiritual duties at their first
coming in time of wants, than afterward. Many in new plantations have been forced to go
barefoot, and bareleg, till these latter dayes, and some in time of frost and snow; yet
were they then very healthy more than now they are.
p.13 Johnson's "Wonder-Working Providence"
continued
"In this wilderness, worke men of estates, speed no better than others, and some much worse
for want of being inured to such hard labour, having laid out their estate upon cattell at
five and twenty pounds a cow, when they came to winter them with inland hay, and feed upon
such wild fother [fodder] as was never cut before, they could not hold out the winter, but ordinarily
the first or second yeare after their coming up to a new plantation, many of their cattell
died, especially if they wanted salt marshes. And also those, who supposed they should feed
upon swines flesh were cut short, the wolves commonly feasting themselves before them, who
never leave neither flesh nor bones, if they be not scared away before they have made an end
of their meale.
"As for those who laid out their estate upon sheepe, they speed (fared) worst of any at the
beginning (although some have sped the best of any now) for untill the land be often fed by
other cattell, sheepe cannot live, and therefore they never thrived till these latter days.
Horse had then no better successe, which made many an honest gentleman travell on foot for a
long time, and some have even perished with extreme heate in their travells.
"As also the want of English graine, wheate, barley and rye, proved a sore affliction to
some stomachs, who could not live upon Indian bread and water, yet were they compelled to it
till cattle increased, and the plows could but hoe. Instead of apples and pears, they had
pumpkins and squashes of divers kinds. Their lonesome condition was very grievous to some,
which was much aggravated by continual feare of the Indian's approach, whose cruelties were
much spoken of, and more especially during the time of the Pequot wars. Thus this poore
people populate this howling desert, marching manfully - the Lord assisting - through the
greatest difficulties, and sorest labours that ever any with such weak means have done."
[end, "Wonder-Working Providence" excerpt.]
Additional Grants of land were occasionally made adjoining Concord, after the first pur-
chase. On the 2nd of May, 1638, Governor Winthrop had 1,200, and Thomas Dudley 1,000 acres
granted them below Concord.
When they came to view it, "going down the river about about four miles, they made choice
of a place for one thousand acres for each of them. They offered each other the first
choice, but because the deputy's was first granted, and himself had store of land already,
the governor yielded him the choice. So, at the place where the deputy's
p.14
land was to begin, there were two great stones, which they called the Two Brothers, in re-
membrance that they were brothers by their children's marriage and did so brotherly agree,
and for that a little creek near those stones was to part their lands. At the Court, in the
4th month after, two hundred acres were added to the governor's part [Winthrop's Journal,
vol. I, p. 264.] The Colony Records give a more particular description of this and the
subsequent grants.
The governor's lot lay southerly, and the deputy governor's northerly of those rocks, and
they were divided by a little brook, which may now be seen a short distance below Carlisle
bridge. Governor Winthrop selected (judiciously, I think) a lot in Concord, which "he
intended to build upon," near where Captain Humphrey Hunt now (1835) lives. The changes
which took place in his property and family, probably prevented him from putting his plan
into execution.
In November, 1639, 500 acres of land were granted to Increase Nowell, Esq., "on the north
side of the bounds of Concord beyond the river against the Governor's 1,200;" and 500 acres
to the Rev. Thomas Allen of Charlestown, on the north side of Mr. Nowell's; and October 7,
1640, to the Rev. Thomas Weld of Roxbury, 533 acres, next to Mr. Allen's (Colony Records).
Another tract of 400 acres was also granted to Mr. Atherton Hough. All these lands were
sold about 1650 to John and Robert Blood, and comprised what was afterwards known as
"Bloods' Farms, which became a part of Concord, and which will be hereafter noticed.
About this time the Rev. Peter Bulkeley had 300 acres granted him towards Cambridge; and Mr.
William Spencer 300 acres, "beyond Concord by the Alwife River."
It appears that the inhabitants were not well satisfied with their situation; and that other
places, either adjoining the town or at a distance from it, were sought, to which they might
remove. In a Petition on this subject to the General Court, it is said:
"Whereas your humble petitioners came into this country about 4 years agoe, and have since
then lived at Concord, where we were forced to buy what now we have, or the most of it,
the convenience of the town being before given out; your petitioners having been brought up
in husbandry, of children, finding the lands about the town very barren, and the meadows
very wet
p.15
and unuseful, especially those we now have interest in; and knowing it is your desire the
lands might be subdued, have taken pains to search out a place on the north-west of our
town, where we do desire some reasonable quantitie of land may be granted unto us, which we
hope may in time be joined to the farms already laid out there to make a village. And so
desiring God to guide you in this and all other your weighty occasions, we rest your humble
petioners."
This petition is signed by:
Thomas Wheeler
Timothy Wheeler
Ephraim Wheeler
Thomas Wheeler, Jun.
Roger Draper
Richard Lettin
It is dated September 7, 1643; and endorsed by the Court:
"We think some quantitie of land may be granted them provided that within two years they
make some good improvement of it."
p.15 - continued
The uplands, which the first planters selected for cultivation, proved to be of a poor
quality; and the meadows were unexpectedly much overflowed with water. All the fish and
other manure which were applied to enrich the sand hills east of the village were useless.
These were causes of great disappointment and suffering. Among other projects to make the
meadows dry, one was formed and then considered practicable, to deepen the channel of
Concord river at the falls "to drain the water off." A petition was presented to the Court,
the first year after the incorporation of the town, which produced the following order,
dated September 8, 1636.
"Whereas the inhabitants of Concord are purposed to abate the Falls in the river upon which
their towne standeth, whereby such townes as shall hereafter be planted above them upon the
said River shall receive benefit by reason of their charge and labour: It is therefore
ordered that such towns or farms as shall be planted above them shall contribute to the
inhabitants of Concord proportional both to their charge and advantage."
The subject continued to be agitated for several years. November 13, 1644, Herbert Pelham,
Esq., of Cambridge, Mr. Thomas Flint and Lieut. Simon Willard of Concord and Mr. Peter Noyes
of Sudbury, were appointed commissioners "to set some order which may conduce to the better
surveying, improving, and draining of the meadows, and saving and preserving of the hay
there gotten, either by draining the same, or otherwise, and to proportion the charges layed
out about it as equally and justly (only upon them that own land) as they in the wisdom shall
see meete."
p.16
All their efforts, however, were unavailing. Johnson says "the rocky falls causeth their
meadowes to be much covered with water, the which these people, together with their neigh-
bour towne (Sudbury) here several times essayed to cut through but cannot, yet it may be
turned another way with an hundred pound charge. A canal across to Watertown or Cambridge
was then considered practicable at a "hundred pound charge!"
In addition to these difficulties, it is intimated by Mather, author of the Magnolia, that
others arose between the ministers and the people, which were settled by calling a council
after the abdication of one of them. Some refused to bear their proportion of the public
charges; and the town continued to decrease in population. Some families returned to
England, others removed to older and others to newer settlements. In 1644, a large number
went to Connecticut with the Rev. John Jones. The grievances of the people were set forth
in a petition to the General Court.
"To the Wor:ll Governor, Deputy Governor, with the rest of the Assistants and Deputies of the
Court now assembled. The humble petition of the Inhabitants of Concord sheweth:
"That whereas we have lived most of us at Concord since our coming over into these parts,
and are not conscious unto ourselves that we have been grosly negligent to imploy that
talent God hath put into our hands to our best understanding; Neither have wee found any
special hand of God gone out against us, only the povertie and meanesse of the place we
live in not answering the labour bestowed on it, together with the badness and wetness of
the meadowes, hath consumed most of the estates of those who have hitherto borne the burden
of charges amongst us, and therefore with the bodily abilities of many. This being soe
eminent above what hath befallen other plantations, hath occasioned many at severall times
to depart from us, and this last summer, in the end of it, a 7th or 8th part of the towne
went to the southward with Mr. Jones [the Rev. John Jones] and many more resolved to goe
after them, so that many houses in the Towne stand voyde of Inhabitants, and more are likely
to be; and we are confident that if conscience had not restrained, fearing the dissolution
of the Towne by their removal, very many had departed to one place or another where Provi-
dence should have hopefully promised a livelihood.
p.17
"This our condition we thought it our duty to informe you of, fearing least if more go from
us we shall neither remayne as a congregation nor a towne, and then such as are most un-
willing to depart, whiles there remayne any hopes of ordinance amongst us, will be enforced
to leave the place, which if it should come to pass, wee desire this may testify on the
behalf of such, it was not a mind unsatisfyed with what was convenient, which occasioned
them to depart but meerly to attaine a subsistence for themselves and such as depend on
them, and to enjoy ordinances.
"If it be sayd, wee may go to other places and meete with an many difficulties as here,
experience herein satisfies us against many reasons. Such as hardly subsisted with us,
and were none of the ablest amongst us, either for labour or ordering their occasions,
have much thriven in other places they have removed unto. Our humble request is you
would be pleased to consider how unable we are to beare with our brethren the common
charges, the premises considered. Signed:
Richard Griffin
Joseph Wheeler
Timothy Wheeler
George Wheeler
John Smedley
Thomas Bateman
Robert Fletcher
Walter Edmonds
William Hunt
William Wood
James Blood
Joseph Middlebrooke
These in the name of the rest."
This petition was presented May 14, 1645 and is attested by the proper authorities. It is
endorsed;
"We conceive the petitioners of Concord should (in consideration of the reasons alledged
in this petition) be considered in their rates; but how much, wee leave to those that are
appoynted to assess the several towns when any levie is to be made."
p.18
These difficulties hastened the settlement of other towns. About half of the original
petitioners of Chelmsford were citizens of Concord. All of them, however, did not remove
thither.
Groton, Lancaster and other towns, received some of the early inhabitants when they were
settled. To restrain this spirit of emigration, the General Court passed the following order
in 1645:
"In regard of the great danger that Concord, Sudbury and Dedham will be exposed unto, being
inland Townes and but thinly peopled, it is ordered that no man now inhabiting & settled in
any of the said Townes (whether married or single) shall remove to any other Towne without
the allowance of the majistrates or the selectmen of the towns, untill they shall obtain
leave to settle again, or such other way of safety to the said townes whereupon this Court
or the Council of this Commonwealth shall sett the inhabitants of such said towns at their
former liberty."
Concord was probably less populous from 1645 to 1650 than at any other period. Johnson
had that time in view, when speaking of the statistics of this town, "This Towne," says he,
"was more populated once than now it is. Some faint-hearted souldiers among them, fearing
the Land would prove barren, sold their possessions for little, and removed to a new planta-
tion, which have most commonly a great prize set on them. The number of families at present
are about 50. Their buildings are conveniently placed, chiefly in one straite street under
a sunny-banke in a low levell. Their herd of great cattell are about 300; the church of
Christ here consists of about 70 soules; their teaching elders were Mr. Buckly and Mr. Jones
who removed from them with that part of the people, who went away, so that onely the rever-
end grave and godly Mr. Buckly remaines." [Massachusetts Hist. Coll. vol. III. p. 154.]
The following chronological items, collected from the colony records and other sources, are
given as matters worthy of preservation here, and as showing the care exercised by the
General Court over the towns.
November 2, 1637, Robert Fletcher was chosen constable of Concord. Thomas Brooks was in the
same office the next year.
March 12, 1638, Lieut. [Simon] Willard was allowed "to sell wine and strong water"; and at
the same Court an order passed that "the freemen of Concord, and those that were not free,
which had hand in the undue election of Mr. Flint, should be fined 6s. 8d. apiece."
In 1639, Mr. Flint, Lieut. Willard, and Richard Griffin, were appointed "to have the ending
of small matters this year." They were reappointed the two next years.
June 4, 1639, William Fuller, "who kept the mill built by Mr. Bulkeley by the Mill dam, was
fined three pounds for gross abuse in over-tolling."
In 1640, Lieut. Willard, Thomas Brooks, and William Wood, were appointed, under a law,
"for valuing horses, mares, cows, oxen, goats, and hoggs," in Concord. The town paid its
taxes this year in such property.
The same year, Thomas Flint was allowed to marry in Concord and Sudbury. In 1641, George
Fowle was appointed "for the breading of salt-petre in some out-houses used for poultry and
the like," under penalty of 12s. A company was incorporated this year "to carry on the
beaver trade," of which Simon Willard was appointed superintendent. Mr. John Bulkeley was
paid 40s. for services as a soldier.
"At Concord a bullock was killed, which had in his maw a ten shilling piece of English gold,
and yet it could not be known that any had lost it." In April, 1641, a house and child were
burnt in Concord; fire having been put into a stack of hay standing near, by another child
while the people were at meeting on the Sabbath.
Cattle then ran at large on "commons," as they were called; and each town was required by
an act of the General Court, to have a mark placed upon its respective cattle.
The Indians of Concord
p.19
It would be inconsistent with my design to portray at length the general character of the
Indians, or give a full view of the
p.20
early efforts to civilize and Christianize them. This is properly the province of the
historian of the State or Country. So far, however, as they were made within our own
territory, or in connexion with the native inhabitants, it will be proper that the local
historian should describe them; and, more especially, since erroneous statements have been
promulgated by writers whose authority is received with implicit faith.
One of the objects of the original settlers of the colony, as expressed in their charter,
was to "win the Indians, natives of the country, to the knowledge and obedience of the only
true God and Saviour of mankind, and the Christian faith." When they were actually surround-
ed by the natives, this object was not forgotten, though nothing effectual was done till
nearly sixteen years after their arrival.
Squaw Sachem, at Concord, Kutshamikin, sachem at Dorchester, Musconomok, sachem at Ipswich,
and Nashacowin and Wassamug*, two sachems near Wachusett, made a formal submission to the
English government on the 8th of March 1644, and put themselves and their subjects under its
protection. In their examination, as to their moral and religious views, they express their
desire, "as opportunity will serve and English live among them," to learn "to read God's
word, to know God aright, and to worship him in his own way."
Two sachems - Pumham and Socononocho, near Providence, the preceding June, and Passaconaway,
sachem at Merrimack and his sons, on the 20th of the succeeding June, submitted in like
manner. Though the motives of these Indians might have been selfish, these were considered
encouraging circumstances by the friends of their civilization. And the government, Nov.
13, 1644, ordered the county courts "to take care of the Indians residing within their
several shires, to have them civilized, and to take order from time to time to have them
instructed in the knowledge of God."
*The Rev. Samuel Danforth, in his Almanack for 1647, spells these names as follows:
Cutchamakin
Mascanomet
Wassamegen
Nathawanon
These movements, and the disposition shown by particular Indians, led some individuals
specially to prepare themselves to instruct them. The Rev. John Eliot of Roxbury was the
first
p.21
and most distinguished in these Christian labors. He has justly been styled the "Apostle,
not a whit behind the chiefest Apostles." He preached his first sermon Oct 28, 1646 on the
high grounds east of Newton corner, afterwards called Nonantum, "a place of rejoicing,"
where he was joyfully received by Waban and several other Indians, who assembled to hear
him. Four other meetings took place there, the 11th and 26th of November, and the 4th and
9th of December.
The Rev. Thomas Shepard of Cambridge, in his "Clear Sunshine of the Gospel," informs us,
that "the awakening of these Indians raised a great noyse amongst all the rest round about
us, especially about Concord side where the Sachem Tahattawan, as I remember, and one or
two more of his men, hearing of these things, and of the preaching of the Word, and how it
wrought among them here, came therefore hither to Noonanetum to the Indian lecture; and
what the Lord spake to his heart wee know not, only it seems he was so farre affected, as
that he desired to become more like to the English, and to cast off those Indian, wild and
sinfull courses they formerly lived in; but when divers of his men perceived their sachem's
mind, they secretly opposed him herein: which opposition being known, he therefore called
together his chiefe men about him, and made a speech to this effect unto them, viz,:
Tahattawan's Speech to the Indians
"That they had no reason at all to oppose those courses the English were taking for their
good," for, saith he, "all the time you have lived after the Indian fashion, under the power
and protection of higher Indian sachems, what did they care for you? They only sought their
owne ends out of you, and therefore would exact upon you and take away your skins and your
kettles, and your wampum from you at their own pleasure, and this was all that they regarded;
but you may evidently see that the English mind no such things, care for none of your goods,
but only seeke your good and welfare, and instead of taking away, are ready to give to you;
with many other things I now forget, which were related to me by an eminent man of that
town." (Rev. Peter Bulkeley?)
p.22 Simon Willard appointed Recorder
What the effect of this speech was, we can tell no otherwise than as the effects showeth it:
the first thing was, the making of certain laws for their more religious and civill govern-
ment and behaviour, to the making of which they craved the assistance of one of the chief
Indians in Noonanetum (Waban?), a very active Indian, to bring in others, to the knowledge
of God; desiring withall an able and faithful man in Concord - Simon Willard - to record
and keep in writing what they had generally agreed upon. Another effect was, their desire
of Mr. Eliot's coming up to them to preach, as he could find time among them: and the last
effect was their desire of having a town given them within the bounds of Concord near unto
the English. This latter, when it was propounded by the sachem of the place - Tahattawan -
he was demanded why he desired a towne so neare, whereas there was more roome for them up
in the country. To which the sachem replyed, that he therefore desired it because he knew
that if the Indians dwelt far from the English, that they would not so much care to pray,
nor could they be so ready to heare the word of God, but they would be all one Indians still,
but, dwelling neare the English, he hoped it might be otherwise with them then. The towne
therefore was granted them." The following are the orders agreed on at Concord, which Mr.
Shepard assures us were drawn up by "two faithful witnesses," and "their own copy with theire
own hands to it." [Witnesses were Simon Willard and Thomas Flint, p.24]
"Conclusion and orders made and agreed upon by divers Sachems and other principal men amongst
the Indians at Concord in the end of the eleventh Month (called January) An. 1646
The Indians of Concord - Continued
"Orders to the Indians" - Formed by Capt. Simon Willard
"Conclusions and Orders made and agreed upon by divers Sachems and other principal men
amongst the Indians at Concord in the end of the 11th month (called January) 1646.
1. That everyone that shall abuse themselves with wine or strong liquors shall pay, for
every time so abusing themselves, twenty shillings.
2. That there shall be no more Powwawing amongst the Indians. And if any shall hereafter
powwaw, both he that shall powwaw and he that shall procure him to powwaw, shall pay
twenty shillings apiece.
3. They do deire that they may be stirred up to seek after God.
4. They desire they may understand the wiles of Satan and grow out of love with his
suggestions and temptations.
p.23
5. That they may fall upon some better course to improve their time than formerly.
6. That they may be brought to the sight of the sinne of lying and whosoever shall be
found faulty herein, shall pay for the first offence five shillings, and the second
ten shillings and the third, twenty shillings.
7. Whosoever shall steal anything from another shall return fourfold.
8. They desire that no Indian hereafter shall have any more but one wife.
9. They desire to prevent falling out of Indians one with another, and that they may live
quietly by one another.
10. That they may labour after humilitie and not be proud.
11. That when Indians doe wrong one to another, they may be lyable to censure, or fine, or
the like, as the English are.
12. That they pay their debts to the English.
13. That they do observe the Lord's day, and whosoever shall prophane it shall pay twenty
shillings.
14. That there shall not be allowance to pick lice as formerly and eat them, and whosoever
shall offend in this case shall pay for every louse a penny.
15. They will weare their haire comely as the English do, and whosoever shall offend herein
shall pay four shillings.
16. They intend to reform themselves in their former greasing themselves under the penalty
of five shillings for every default.
17. They do resolve to set up praying in their wigwams, and to seek to God both before and
after meate.
18. If any commit the sin of fornication, being single persons, the man shall pay twenty
shillings, and the woman ten shillings.
19. ****
20. Whosoever shall play at their former games shall pay ten shillings.
21. Whosoever shall committ adultery shall be put to death.
22. Wilful murder shall be punished with death.
23. They shall not disguise themselves in their mournings as formerly, not shall they weep
a great noyse by howling.
24. The old ceremony of the maide walking alone and living apart so many days twenty shillings.
p.24
25. No Indian shall take an English man's canoe without leave under penaltie of five
shillings.
26. No Indian shall come into an English man's house except he first knock; and this they
may expect from the English.
27. Whosoever beats his wife shall pay twenty shillings.
28. If any Indian shall fall out with and beat another Indian, he shall pay twenty shillings.
29. They desire they may be a towne, and either dwell on this side of Beaver Swamp or at the
East side of Mr. Flint's Pond.
"Immediately after these things were agreed upon, most of the Indians of these parts set up
prayer morning and evening in their families and before and after meate. They also generally
cut their haire short, and were more civil in their carriage to the English than formerly.
And they do manifest a great willingness to conforme themselves to the civil fashions of the
English. The Lord's day they keepe a day of rest and minister what edification they can to
one another. These former orders were put into this forme by Captaine Simon Willard of
Concord, whom the Indians, with unanimous consent, intreated to be their Recorder, being
very solicitous that what they did agree upon myght be faithfully preserved without altera-
tion.
[Witness]
"Thomas Flint. Simon Willard."
Rev. John Eliot's Petition to the Court for the Indians.
p.24 - continued
I have not been able to find, after a careful examination of the Colony Records, that land
was then definitely granted, either to the Concord Indians or to those at Newton; and I have
been led to doubt whether any grants were made, as has been mentioned by many writers. The
first order was passed May 26, 1647, four months after the Concord Indians had adopted their
code of laws, and seven months after Eliot first preached at Waban; and this did not relate
to grants of land, but to the civil regulations of the Indians generally; "where they
assembled to hear the word of God." It is probable they lived by sufferance on lands claim-
ed by the English, prior to their gathering at Natick.
[Historians speak rather indefinitely as appears to me, on this subject. Mention is
frequently made of the Natick Indians as a distinct tribe, whereas none were known by that
name till a place was settled in 1650, and then named Natick, granted like other tracts of
land in which to form a civil community.
The Christian Indians, gathered there from various tribes, were afterwards called Natick
Indians, as the inhabitants of a town are called by the name of the town. And in regard to
Indian titles, when the claims of Mason were asserted, and the charter forfeited in 1684,
the settlers in various places endeavored to get confirmatory deeds and titles to their land;
and obtained such deeds from the Christian Indians, not because they were in all cases legal
heirs, but probably because they could give as good titles as any in their power to obtain.]
p.25
As has been already intimated, these benevolent efforts were opposed by some of the natives.
This opposition arose principally from the powwaws or priests. The Indians universally be-
lieved in "the existence and agency" of invisible spirits. "They worshipped Kitan, their
good god, or Hobbamocco, their evil god."
Johnson speaks of them generally, as being "in very great subjection to the Divel," and of
the powwaws, as "more conversant with him than any other." As his agents they pretended to
perform cures by enchantment and witchcraft. So long as the peculiar sanctity of their office
was recognised by their brethren, their influence was very great; and, to say the least, they
were "back friends to religion." Whenever civilization and Christianity were introduced,
these erroneous notions were corrected, and their power ceased. Of this they seemed to be
aware.
In the discussions produced by the occurrences that have been described, Wibbacowitts,
already mentioned, took an active part. He asked the English, why some of them had been
twenty-seven years in the land, and never taught them to know God till then. "Had you done
it sooner," he said, "wee might have known much of God by this time, and much sin might have
been prevented; but now some of us are grown old in sin, etc."
To whom the English answered, "We doe repent that we did not long agoe, as now we doe. Yet
withal," they added, "we told them that they were never willing to hear till now, and that
seeing God hath turned their hearts to be willing to hear, we are desirous to take all pains
we can to teach them."
This opposition prevented their immediate settlement in civil order, and was considered, says
Shephard, "a special finger of Satan resisting these budding beginnings," thought it did not
prevent the gradual progress of Christianity. The influence of Rev. Mr. Bulkeley and other
citizens of Concord, as well as of the native Indians, hereafter to be noticed, was great
in this Christian enterprise.
p.26
Eliot preached about three years at Nonantum and Neponset; and also occasionally at Concord
and other places. About the beginning of the year 1648, he "went with Mr. Flint and Capt.
Simon Willard of Concord, and sundry others, towards Merimack river unto the Indian sachem
Passaconaway, that old witch and powwaw, who, together with both his sons, fled the presence
of the light for fear of being killed." In 1654, he made another visit there with consider-
able success. In 1650, a township was granted to the Indians called Natick, to which those
in the vicinity were gathered, and denominated Praying Indians. Many of these were originally
inhabitants of Concord, and had taken up a temporary residence at Nonantum and other places.
Those who had endeavoured to unite in civil order at Concord had been frequently disturbed
in the places where they settled, as will appear from the following petition to the General
Court.
"The humble petition of John Eliot of Roxbury, in behalfe of some Indians, sheweth, That
whereas the Praying Indians have their dwellings in sundry places, and in many respects cannot
be all brought to any one place, and in particular, not to that of Natik; it seemeth there-
fore very necessary to further theire civile cohabitation, in sundry fitting places, that so
the Saboths may be sanctified by them, and other poynts of religion and civility may be
promoted among them. And wheras there hath bene and is much trouble by some of theire
sittings downe upon such lands as are, some way or other, taken into the bounds of grants
made to the English and honored General Court - These desire as much as may bee; to fix
themselves in such places, as (so far as we know) are free from any just challenge of any
English interest.
"First, therefore, the inhabitants of Nashoba, living 7 or 8 miles west of Concord, desire
to have liberty to make a towne in that place, with due accommodations thereunto. And
though Concord have some conditional grant of lands that way, yet I understand, that we
shall have a loving and Christian agreement betwixt them and the Indians.
"Secondly, the inhabitants of Ogkauhquoukanus (Marlborough), living about 7 or 8 miles west
of Sudbury, where no English have yet desired any land, desire to have liberty to make a
towne in that place, with due accommodations thereunto.
"Thirdly, the inhabitants of Hasnemesuhkoh (Grafton), living about 16 miles west of Sudbury,
desire the like liberty.
"And, they comiting this honored Court, and all the weighty affaires thereof unto the mercy
and goodnesse of the Lord, I rest your unworthy petitioner. John Eliot."
Boston this 4th of the 3d: 1654.
Rev. John Eliot's Petition 1654
p.27
This petition was granted, "provided it doe not prejudice any former grant; nor that they
shall dipose of it without leave first had, and obtayned from this Court."
Nashobah, lying near Nagog Pond, partly in Littleton and partly in Acton, as now bounded,
accordingly became an Indian town; and here a part of the Praying Indians in Concord, with
others in the vicinity, gathered, and adopted civil and religious order, and had a Ruler and
other municipal officers, though no church was formed. Such as were entitled to Christian
ordinances probably went to Natick to celebrate the communion, after a church was organized
there in 1660.
Nashobah, however, was not a very prosperous community. Certain rights of its inhabitants
to lands granted to Concord in 1655, were sold to Concord in 1660; but in 1665, the Court
granted them 2000 acres more. In consequence of the war, which was carried on between the
Maquas or "Inland Indians," and the neighbouring tribes, from 1665 to 1670, this town suffer-
ed severely, and was entirely deserted. Some of the principal men were killed. After the
peace in 1670 it was repeopled, and was thus described by Gookin in 1674: "The inhabitants
are about ten families, and consequently about fifty souls. The dimensions of this village
is four miles square. The land is fertile, and well stored with meadows and woods. It hath
good ponds of fish adjoining it. The people live here, as in other Indian villages, upon
planting corn, fishing, hunting and sometimes labouring with the English. Their ruler of late
years was John Ahattawance (Tahattawan), a pious man. Since his decease, Pennakennit is the
chief. Their teacher is John Thomas, a sober and pious man. His father was murdered by the
Maquas in a secret manner, as he was fishing for eels at his weare, some years since during
the war. He was a pious and useful person; and that place sustained a great loss in him.
p.28
"In this village as well as in other old Indian plantations, they have orchards of apples,
whereof they make cider; which some of them have not the wisdom and grace to use for their
comfort, but are prone to abuse unto drunkenness. And although the laws be strict to
suppress sin, and some of their own rulers are very careful and zealous in the execution
of them, yet such is the madness and folly of man naturally, that he doth eagerly pursue
after that which tendeth to his own destruction."
This gives but a sorry picture of a civilized community; but it is far from being applicable
generally to this, or the other Indian towns. There were in them some examples of the
Christian character, which would have been honorable in any community. Some of the most
distinguished were of the Musketaquid Indians.
Tahattawan (sometimes written Tahattawants, Attawan, Attawance and Ahatawance) was a
sagamore, or "sachem of the blood, or chief of the royal line," of Musketaquid; and appears
to have possessed rights in the soil equal if not superior to Squaw Sachem; and like her to
have consented to its sale. What the connexion between him and Squaw Sachem was, does not
fully appear. He had a powerful influence over his subjects; and was one of those who early
attended the preaching of Eliot at Newton, and spoke, as already mentioned, in favor of
forming a civil community in this town.
He was a worthy, upright Indian. The following members of his family embraced Christianity
and they and their descendants were always among the most persevering, influential, and ex-
emplary persons at Natick and Nashobah, the places to which the different individuals re-
moved after they left Concord.
1. Waban married Tasunsquaw, eldest daughter of Tahattawan, sachem of Concord.
From documents givin in this history, and others in my possession, it appears
that he originally lived in Concord, where he was probably born. He is called,
"merchant" in the records, probably on account of his occupation. He was not a
sachem by birth, as some have asserted, but acquired rights in the soil and assent-
ed to its sale, by virtue of his marriage into the "royal family."
After the English settled Concord, he removed to Newton, where in 1646, as already
mentioned, he became the first convert to Christianity, under the instruction of
Eliot. It is said by Shepard that Indians gave "names to their children, usually
according to appearances of providences;
p.29
and the most active Indian for stirring up other Indians to seek after the know-
ledge of God in these parts is Waban, which signifies "wind," although they never
dremt of this, that this their Waban should breath such spirit of life and incour-
agement into the rest of the Indians, as he hath endeavored in all parts of the
country both at Concord, Merrimack, and elsewhere." He assisted in gathering the
society and church at Natick, of which he was chosen chief ruler during his life.
He is represented as a man of great prudence, piety, and usefulness. His confession
on account of his religious exercises of mind, was published in 1653, and also an
exhortation, made in 1658 [Tears of Repentance]
He died in the full exercise of the Christian faith in 1674 aged 70. "His last
words immediately before he expired were - "I give my soul to thee O my redeemer,
Jesus Christ. Pardon all my sins, and deliver me from hell. Help me against death
and then I am willing to die; and when I die, O help me and relieve me."
[Historical Collection Vol v. p. 264.]
His widow was living at Natick in 1684. His son Weegrammomenet, alias Thomas Waban,
received a tolerable education, and was many years town clerk of Natick [Bigelow's
History of Natick.] His name frequently appears in Indian deeds, granting rights
to the English, which he acquired rather indefinitely from his father, and like many
others as an associate of the Praying Indians.
Genealogy of Tahattawan, Indian Royal Line, continued.
p.29 - continued
2. John Tahattawan, son of Tahattawan, removed to Nashoba. He was chief ruler of the
Praying Indians gathered there, and is said to have been a pious, good man. He died
about 1670. He married Sarah, daughter of John, Sagamore of Patucket, who after her
husband's death married again, Onamog, one of the rulers of the Praying Indians at
Marlborough, with whom she lived a short time only. She was living at Patucket, as a
widow, in November 1675, when she was wounded by some unfriendly whites, and her only
son by Tahattawan was slain. [Source: Gookin's Manuscripts.]
p.30
Tahattawan's sole heir was Kehonowsqua, alias Sarah; and is first mentioned in the deed
of Nashobah given to Rev. Peter Bulkeley in 1686, hereafter to be noticed.
3. Naanishcow, alias John Thomas, married Naanashquaw, alias Rebeckah, another daughter of
Tahattawan. His father had been a leading man at Nashobah but was murdered by the
Maquas Indians, as has been mentioned. He was teacher at that place till it was aband-
oned, when he removed to Natick where he died January 17, 1727 at the great age of 110
years. He was exemplary through life, and had his reason and speech till within a few
hours of his death. His eldest son was Solomon Thomas, alias Naashiomenett, who became
influential at Natick.
Pennahannit, alisa Captain Josiah, who was marshal-general or high-sheriff to all the
Praying Indian towns, and attended the chief courts held at Natick and elsewhere, dwelt
at Nashobah, and was chief ruler of that place after the death of John Tahattawan.
Jethro, alias Tantamous, was present at the first purchase of Concord. He embraced
Christianity and removed to Natick. In 1674, he was appointed missionary to the Indians
at Weshakim (Sterling), but continued there only a short time.
Notices of other Indians, whose names occasionally occur in connexion with the affairs of
Concord might be given; but these are the most prominent.
The missionary labors of Eliot and his associates were attended with considerable success.
At Natick was a kind of theological seminary, where natives were educated and sent forth
to be rulers and teachers in other places. The Bible and several other books were trans-
lated and printed in their language, which requires the word:
Kummogkodonatoottummootiteaongannunnonash
to express in English, "our question." This was indeed a Herculean task. In 1674, Eliot
had organized two churches and fourteen towns, containing 1,100 inhabitants [Hist. Coll.
vol Il, p. 195.] who had ostensibly embraced Christianity. A part of them only, however,
appear to have been influenced by Christian principles. During Philip's War, this number
was very much reduced. Many of them became treachurous, and were among the worst enemies
of the English.
p.31
Some of them suffered death for their defection [Mattoonus, constable at Pakachoog was
executed.] The remainder were gathered in English towns, behaved like exemplary Christians,
and were of essential service to the English in Philip's War. The whole number on the 10th
of November 1676, was 567 only, of which 117 were men and 450 women and children. The
Nashobah or Concord Praying Indians, who remained friendly to the English were 10 men and
50 women and children; and they then lived in Concord under the inspection of the committee
of militia and the selectmen of the town.
The other places where the Praying Indians met on the Sabbath for religious worship at this
time, were Medfield, Andrew Deven's Garrison, near Natick, Lower Falls, Nonantum and
Dunstable.
I have communicated to the American Antiquarian Society for publication, among other papers,
a document in the hand writing of Major Gookin, giving a particular account of the disposi-
tion of all the Praying Indians at this time, from which the above facts are taken.
Some other notices of the Nashobah Indians, while resident in Concord will be given when the
events of Philip's War are treated of. After this time, they appear to have nearly abandon-
ed their plantation, and to have removed to Natick. May 19, 1680, 23 inhabitants of Concord
petitioned the General Court that the lands belonging to those Indians might be granted to
them, but it was refused; because there were "debts due from the country which might
be provided for by the sale of the land, if the Indians have no right or have deserted the
place."
In reply the petitioners say, "There never were any lands purchased of the country for
townships." The petition was ineffectually renewed in 1691. It appears, however, that the
Honorable Peter Bulkeley of Concord and Major Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford on the 15th of
June, 1686, bought the easterly half of the Nashobah plantation for 70 pounds sterling.
The Indian grantors were as follows:
Kehonowsquaw, alias Sarah, the daughter and sole heiress of John Tahattawan, sachem, and
late of Nashobah, deceased.
Naanishcow, alias John Thomas.
Naanasquaw, alias Rebeckah, wife to the said Naanishcow.
Naashkinomenet, alias Solomon, eldest son of said Naanishcow and Naanasquaw, sister to the
aforesaid Tahattawan.
Weegrammominet, alias Thomas Waban.
Nackcominewock, relict (widow) of Crooked Robin.
Wunnuhhew, alias Sarah, wife to Neepanum, alias Tom Doublet.
p.32
This tract of land was bounded by land sold by the aforesaid Indians to
Robert Robbins
Peleg Lawrence
both of Groton towne, which land is part of the aforesaid Nashobah plantation, and this
line is exactly two miles in length and runs east three degrees northerly, or west three
degrees southerly, and the south end runs parallel with this line; on the westerly side
it is bounded by the remainder of said Nashobah Plantation and that west line runs south
seven degrees and thirty minutes east, four miles and one quarter.
The northeast corner is about four or five poles southward of a very great rock that lieth
in the line between the said Nashobah and Chelmsford plantation. (source: Registry of Deeds,
vol. x., p. 117].
The remaining history of Nashobah properly belongs to Littleton. It may be well, however,
to remark that in 1714 when that town was incorporated, 500 acres of land were reserved
for the Indian proprietors. Sarah Doublet, an Indian, was the only heir to it in 1734,
being then old and blind, and committed to the care of Samuel Jones of Concord. She then
petitioned for liberty to sell it to pay her maintenance and it was granted for the purpose
to Elnathan Jones and Mr. Tenney. One corner was near the southeast part of Nagog Pond;
then across the pond, north ten degrees west, 133 rods north of said pond to a point, and
then making a right angle, it ran 286 rods and then across Nagog Pond to the first place
mentioned.
End, Chapter II.